uid
stringlengths 4
7
| premise
stringlengths 19
9.21k
| hypothesis
stringlengths 13
488
| label
stringclasses 3
values |
|---|---|---|---|
id_4100 | Motivating Employees under Adverse Conditions It is a great deal easier to motivate employees in a growing organisation than a declining one. When organisations are expanding and adding personnel, promotional opportunities, pay rises, and the excitement of being associated with a dynamic organisation create feelings of optimism. Management is able to use the growth to entice and encourage employees. When an organisation is shrinking, the best and most mobile workers are prone to leave voluntarily. Unfortunately, they are the ones the organisation can least afford to lose those with the highest skills and experience. The minor employees remain because their job options are limited. Morale also suffers during decline. People fear they may be the next to be made redundant. Productivity often suffers, as employees spend their time sharing rumours and providing one another with moral support rather than focusing on their jobs. For those whose jobs are secure, pay increases are rarely possible. Pay cuts, unheard of during times of growth, may even be imposed. The challenge to management is how to motivate employees under such retrenchment conditions. The ways of meeting this challenge can be broadly divided into six Key Points, which are outlined below. There is an abundance of evidence to support the motivational benefits that result from carefully matching people to jobs. For example, if the job is running a small business or an autonomous unit within a larger business, high achievers should be sought. However, if the job to be filled is a managerial post in a large bureaucratic organisation, a candidate who has a high need for power and a low need for affiliation should be selected. Accordingly, high achievers should not be put into jobs that are inconsistent with their needs. High achievers will do best when the job provides moderately challenging goals and where there is independence and feedback. However, it should be remembered that not everybody is motivated by jobs that are high in independence, variety and responsibility. The literature on goal-setting theory suggests that managers should ensure that all employees have specific goals and receive comments on how well they are doing in those goals. For those with high achievement needs, typically a minority in any organisation, the existence of external goals is less important because high achievers are already internally motivated. The next factor to be determined is whether the goals should be assigned by a manager or collectively set in conjunction with the employees. The answer to that depends on perceptions of goal acceptance and the organisation's culture. If resistance to goals is expected, the use of participation in goal-setting should increase acceptance. If participation is inconsistent with the culture, however, goals should be assigned. If participation and the culture are incongruous, employees are likely to perceive the participation process as manipulative and be negatively affected by it. Regardless of whether goals are achievable or well within management's perceptions of the employee's ability, if employees see them as unachievable they will reduce their effort. Managers must be sure, therefore, that employees feel confident that their efforts can lead to performance goals. For managers, this means that employees must have the capability of doing the job and must regard the appraisal process as valid. Since employees have different needs, what acts as a reinforcement for one may not for another. Managers could use their knowledge of each employee to personalise the rewards over which they have control. Some of the more obvious rewards that managers allocate include pay, promotions, autonomy, job scope and depth, and the opportunity to participate in goal-setting and decision-making. Managers need to make rewards contingent on performance. To reward factors other than performance will only reinforce those other factors. Key rewards such as pay increases and promotions or advancements should be allocated for the attainment of the employee's specific goals. Consistent with maximising the impact of rewards, managers should look for ways to increase their visibility. Eliminating the secrecy surrounding pay by openly communicating everyone's remuneration, publicising performance bonuses and allocating annual salary increases in a lump sum rather than spreading them out over an entire year are examples of actions that will make rewards more visible and potentially more motivating. The way rewards are distributed should be transparent so that employees perceive that rewards or outcomes are equitable and equal to the inputs given. On a simplistic level, experience, abilities, effort and other obvious inputs should explain differences in pay, responsibility and other obvious outcomes. The problem, however, is complicated by the existence of dozens of inputs and outcomes and by the fact that employee groups place different degrees of importance on them. For instance, a study comparing clerical and production workers identified nearly twenty inputs and outcomes. The clerical workers considered factors such as quality of work performed and job knowledge near the top of their list, but these were at the bottom of the production workers' list. Similarly, production workers thought that the most important inputs were intelligence and personal involvement with task accomplishment, two factors that were quite low in the importance ratings of the clerks. There were also important, though less dramatic, differences on the outcome side. For example, production workers rated advancement very highly, whereas clerical workers rated advancement in the lower third of their list. Such findings suggest that one person's equity is another's inequity, so an ideal should probably weigh different inputs and outcomes according to employee group. | High achievers are well suited to team work. | c |
id_4101 | Motivating Employees under Adverse Conditions It is a great deal easier to motivate employees in a growing organisation than a declining one. When organisations are expanding and adding personnel, promotional opportunities, pay rises, and the excitement of being associated with a dynamic organisation create feelings of optimism. Management is able to use the growth to entice and encourage employees. When an organisation is shrinking, the best and most mobile workers are prone to leave voluntarily. Unfortunately, they are the ones the organisation can least afford to lose those with the highest skills and experience. The minor employees remain because their job options are limited. Morale also suffers during decline. People fear they may be the next to be made redundant. Productivity often suffers, as employees spend their time sharing rumours and providing one another with moral support rather than focusing on their jobs. For those whose jobs are secure, pay increases are rarely possible. Pay cuts, unheard of during times of growth, may even be imposed. The challenge to management is how to motivate employees under such retrenchment conditions. The ways of meeting this challenge can be broadly divided into six Key Points, which are outlined below. There is an abundance of evidence to support the motivational benefits that result from carefully matching people to jobs. For example, if the job is running a small business or an autonomous unit within a larger business, high achievers should be sought. However, if the job to be filled is a managerial post in a large bureaucratic organisation, a candidate who has a high need for power and a low need for affiliation should be selected. Accordingly, high achievers should not be put into jobs that are inconsistent with their needs. High achievers will do best when the job provides moderately challenging goals and where there is independence and feedback. However, it should be remembered that not everybody is motivated by jobs that are high in independence, variety and responsibility. The literature on goal-setting theory suggests that managers should ensure that all employees have specific goals and receive comments on how well they are doing in those goals. For those with high achievement needs, typically a minority in any organisation, the existence of external goals is less important because high achievers are already internally motivated. The next factor to be determined is whether the goals should be assigned by a manager or collectively set in conjunction with the employees. The answer to that depends on perceptions of goal acceptance and the organisation's culture. If resistance to goals is expected, the use of participation in goal-setting should increase acceptance. If participation is inconsistent with the culture, however, goals should be assigned. If participation and the culture are incongruous, employees are likely to perceive the participation process as manipulative and be negatively affected by it. Regardless of whether goals are achievable or well within management's perceptions of the employee's ability, if employees see them as unachievable they will reduce their effort. Managers must be sure, therefore, that employees feel confident that their efforts can lead to performance goals. For managers, this means that employees must have the capability of doing the job and must regard the appraisal process as valid. Since employees have different needs, what acts as a reinforcement for one may not for another. Managers could use their knowledge of each employee to personalise the rewards over which they have control. Some of the more obvious rewards that managers allocate include pay, promotions, autonomy, job scope and depth, and the opportunity to participate in goal-setting and decision-making. Managers need to make rewards contingent on performance. To reward factors other than performance will only reinforce those other factors. Key rewards such as pay increases and promotions or advancements should be allocated for the attainment of the employee's specific goals. Consistent with maximising the impact of rewards, managers should look for ways to increase their visibility. Eliminating the secrecy surrounding pay by openly communicating everyone's remuneration, publicising performance bonuses and allocating annual salary increases in a lump sum rather than spreading them out over an entire year are examples of actions that will make rewards more visible and potentially more motivating. The way rewards are distributed should be transparent so that employees perceive that rewards or outcomes are equitable and equal to the inputs given. On a simplistic level, experience, abilities, effort and other obvious inputs should explain differences in pay, responsibility and other obvious outcomes. The problem, however, is complicated by the existence of dozens of inputs and outcomes and by the fact that employee groups place different degrees of importance on them. For instance, a study comparing clerical and production workers identified nearly twenty inputs and outcomes. The clerical workers considered factors such as quality of work performed and job knowledge near the top of their list, but these were at the bottom of the production workers' list. Similarly, production workers thought that the most important inputs were intelligence and personal involvement with task accomplishment, two factors that were quite low in the importance ratings of the clerks. There were also important, though less dramatic, differences on the outcome side. For example, production workers rated advancement very highly, whereas clerical workers rated advancement in the lower third of their list. Such findings suggest that one person's equity is another's inequity, so an ideal should probably weigh different inputs and outcomes according to employee group. | Employees' earnings should be disclosed to everyone within the organization. | e |
id_4102 | Motivating Employees under Adverse Conditions It is a great deal easier to motivate employees in a growing organisation than a declining one. When organisations are expanding and adding personnel, promotional opportunities, pay rises, and the excitement of being associated with a dynamic organisation create feelings of optimism. Management is able to use the growth to entice and encourage employees. When an organisation is shrinking, the best and most mobile workers are prone to leave voluntarily. Unfortunately, they are the ones the organisation can least afford to lose those with the highest skills and experience. The minor employees remain because their job options are limited. Morale also suffers during decline. People fear they may be the next to be made redundant. Productivity often suffers, as employees spend their time sharing rumours and providing one another with moral support rather than focusing on their jobs. For those whose jobs are secure, pay increases are rarely possible. Pay cuts, unheard of during times of growth, may even be imposed. The challenge to management is how to motivate employees under such retrenchment conditions. The ways of meeting this challenge can be broadly divided into six Key Points, which are outlined below. There is an abundance of evidence to support the motivational benefits that result from carefully matching people to jobs. For example, if the job is running a small business or an autonomous unit within a larger business, high achievers should be sought. However, if the job to be filled is a managerial post in a large bureaucratic organisation, a candidate who has a high need for power and a low need for affiliation should be selected. Accordingly, high achievers should not be put into jobs that are inconsistent with their needs. High achievers will do best when the job provides moderately challenging goals and where there is independence and feedback. However, it should be remembered that not everybody is motivated by jobs that are high in independence, variety and responsibility. The literature on goal-setting theory suggests that managers should ensure that all employees have specific goals and receive comments on how well they are doing in those goals. For those with high achievement needs, typically a minority in any organisation, the existence of external goals is less important because high achievers are already internally motivated. The next factor to be determined is whether the goals should be assigned by a manager or collectively set in conjunction with the employees. The answer to that depends on perceptions of goal acceptance and the organisation's culture. If resistance to goals is expected, the use of participation in goal-setting should increase acceptance. If participation is inconsistent with the culture, however, goals should be assigned. If participation and the culture are incongruous, employees are likely to perceive the participation process as manipulative and be negatively affected by it. Regardless of whether goals are achievable or well within management's perceptions of the employee's ability, if employees see them as unachievable they will reduce their effort. Managers must be sure, therefore, that employees feel confident that their efforts can lead to performance goals. For managers, this means that employees must have the capability of doing the job and must regard the appraisal process as valid. Since employees have different needs, what acts as a reinforcement for one may not for another. Managers could use their knowledge of each employee to personalise the rewards over which they have control. Some of the more obvious rewards that managers allocate include pay, promotions, autonomy, job scope and depth, and the opportunity to participate in goal-setting and decision-making. Managers need to make rewards contingent on performance. To reward factors other than performance will only reinforce those other factors. Key rewards such as pay increases and promotions or advancements should be allocated for the attainment of the employee's specific goals. Consistent with maximising the impact of rewards, managers should look for ways to increase their visibility. Eliminating the secrecy surrounding pay by openly communicating everyone's remuneration, publicising performance bonuses and allocating annual salary increases in a lump sum rather than spreading them out over an entire year are examples of actions that will make rewards more visible and potentially more motivating. The way rewards are distributed should be transparent so that employees perceive that rewards or outcomes are equitable and equal to the inputs given. On a simplistic level, experience, abilities, effort and other obvious inputs should explain differences in pay, responsibility and other obvious outcomes. The problem, however, is complicated by the existence of dozens of inputs and outcomes and by the fact that employee groups place different degrees of importance on them. For instance, a study comparing clerical and production workers identified nearly twenty inputs and outcomes. The clerical workers considered factors such as quality of work performed and job knowledge near the top of their list, but these were at the bottom of the production workers' list. Similarly, production workers thought that the most important inputs were intelligence and personal involvement with task accomplishment, two factors that were quite low in the importance ratings of the clerks. There were also important, though less dramatic, differences on the outcome side. For example, production workers rated advancement very highly, whereas clerical workers rated advancement in the lower third of their list. Such findings suggest that one person's equity is another's inequity, so an ideal should probably weigh different inputs and outcomes according to employee group. | Some employees can feel manipulated when asked to participate in goal-setting. | e |
id_4103 | Motivating Employees under Adverse Conditions It is a great deal easier to motivate employees in a growing organisation than a declining one. When organisations are expanding and adding personnel, promotional opportunities, pay rises, and the excitement of being associated with a dynamic organisation create feelings of optimism. Management is able to use the growth to entice and encourage employees. When an organisation is shrinking, the best and most mobile workers are prone to leave voluntarily. Unfortunately, they are the ones the organisation can least afford to lose those with the highest skills and experience. The minor employees remain because their job options are limited. Morale also suffers during decline. People fear they may be the next to be made redundant. Productivity often suffers, as employees spend their time sharing rumours and providing one another with moral support rather than focusing on their jobs. For those whose jobs are secure, pay increases are rarely possible. Pay cuts, unheard of during times of growth, may even be imposed. The challenge to management is how to motivate employees under such retrenchment conditions. The ways of meeting this challenge can be broadly divided into six Key Points, which are outlined below. There is an abundance of evidence to support the motivational benefits that result from carefully matching people to jobs. For example, if the job is running a small business or an autonomous unit within a larger business, high achievers should be sought. However, if the job to be filled is a managerial post in a large bureaucratic organisation, a candidate who has a high need for power and a low need for affiliation should be selected. Accordingly, high achievers should not be put into jobs that are inconsistent with their needs. High achievers will do best when the job provides moderately challenging goals and where there is independence and feedback. However, it should be remembered that not everybody is motivated by jobs that are high in independence, variety and responsibility. The literature on goal-setting theory suggests that managers should ensure that all employees have specific goals and receive comments on how well they are doing in those goals. For those with high achievement needs, typically a minority in any organisation, the existence of external goals is less important because high achievers are already internally motivated. The next factor to be determined is whether the goals should be assigned by a manager or collectively set in conjunction with the employees. The answer to that depends on perceptions of goal acceptance and the organisation's culture. If resistance to goals is expected, the use of participation in goal-setting should increase acceptance. If participation is inconsistent with the culture, however, goals should be assigned. If participation and the culture are incongruous, employees are likely to perceive the participation process as manipulative and be negatively affected by it. Regardless of whether goals are achievable or well within management's perceptions of the employee's ability, if employees see them as unachievable they will reduce their effort. Managers must be sure, therefore, that employees feel confident that their efforts can lead to performance goals. For managers, this means that employees must have the capability of doing the job and must regard the appraisal process as valid. Since employees have different needs, what acts as a reinforcement for one may not for another. Managers could use their knowledge of each employee to personalise the rewards over which they have control. Some of the more obvious rewards that managers allocate include pay, promotions, autonomy, job scope and depth, and the opportunity to participate in goal-setting and decision-making. Managers need to make rewards contingent on performance. To reward factors other than performance will only reinforce those other factors. Key rewards such as pay increases and promotions or advancements should be allocated for the attainment of the employee's specific goals. Consistent with maximising the impact of rewards, managers should look for ways to increase their visibility. Eliminating the secrecy surrounding pay by openly communicating everyone's remuneration, publicising performance bonuses and allocating annual salary increases in a lump sum rather than spreading them out over an entire year are examples of actions that will make rewards more visible and potentially more motivating. The way rewards are distributed should be transparent so that employees perceive that rewards or outcomes are equitable and equal to the inputs given. On a simplistic level, experience, abilities, effort and other obvious inputs should explain differences in pay, responsibility and other obvious outcomes. The problem, however, is complicated by the existence of dozens of inputs and outcomes and by the fact that employee groups place different degrees of importance on them. For instance, a study comparing clerical and production workers identified nearly twenty inputs and outcomes. The clerical workers considered factors such as quality of work performed and job knowledge near the top of their list, but these were at the bottom of the production workers' list. Similarly, production workers thought that the most important inputs were intelligence and personal involvement with task accomplishment, two factors that were quite low in the importance ratings of the clerks. There were also important, though less dramatic, differences on the outcome side. For example, production workers rated advancement very highly, whereas clerical workers rated advancement in the lower third of their list. Such findings suggest that one person's equity is another's inequity, so an ideal should probably weigh different inputs and outcomes according to employee group. | The staff appraisal process should be designed by employees. | n |
id_4104 | Motivating Employees under Adverse Conditions It is a great deal easier to motivate employees in a growing organisation than a declining one. When organisations are expanding and adding personnel, promotional opportunities, pay rises, and the excitement of being associated with a dynamic organisation create feelings of optimism. Management is able to use the growth to entice and encourage employees. When an organisation is shrinking, the best and most mobile workers are prone to leave voluntarily. Unfortunately, they are the ones the organisation can least afford to lose those with the highest skills and experience. The minor employees remain because their job options are limited. Morale also suffers during decline. People fear they may be the next to be made redundant. Productivity often suffers, as employees spend their time sharing rumours and providing one another with moral support rather than focusing on their jobs. For those whose jobs are secure, pay increases are rarely possible. Pay cuts, unheard of during times of growth, may even be imposed. The challenge to management is how to motivate employees under such retrenchment conditions. The ways of meeting this challenge can be broadly divided into six Key Points, which are outlined below. There is an abundance of evidence to support the motivational benefits that result from carefully matching people to jobs. For example, if the job is running a small business or an autonomous unit within a larger business, high achievers should be sought. However, if the job to be filled is a managerial post in a large bureaucratic organisation, a candidate who has a high need for power and a low need for affiliation should be selected. Accordingly, high achievers should not be put into jobs that are inconsistent with their needs. High achievers will do best when the job provides moderately challenging goals and where there is independence and feedback. However, it should be remembered that not everybody is motivated by jobs that are high in independence, variety and responsibility. The literature on goal-setting theory suggests that managers should ensure that all employees have specific goals and receive comments on how well they are doing in those goals. For those with high achievement needs, typically a minority in any organisation, the existence of external goals is less important because high achievers are already internally motivated. The next factor to be determined is whether the goals should be assigned by a manager or collectively set in conjunction with the employees. The answer to that depends on perceptions of goal acceptance and the organisation's culture. If resistance to goals is expected, the use of participation in goal-setting should increase acceptance. If participation is inconsistent with the culture, however, goals should be assigned. If participation and the culture are incongruous, employees are likely to perceive the participation process as manipulative and be negatively affected by it. Regardless of whether goals are achievable or well within management's perceptions of the employee's ability, if employees see them as unachievable they will reduce their effort. Managers must be sure, therefore, that employees feel confident that their efforts can lead to performance goals. For managers, this means that employees must have the capability of doing the job and must regard the appraisal process as valid. Since employees have different needs, what acts as a reinforcement for one may not for another. Managers could use their knowledge of each employee to personalise the rewards over which they have control. Some of the more obvious rewards that managers allocate include pay, promotions, autonomy, job scope and depth, and the opportunity to participate in goal-setting and decision-making. Managers need to make rewards contingent on performance. To reward factors other than performance will only reinforce those other factors. Key rewards such as pay increases and promotions or advancements should be allocated for the attainment of the employee's specific goals. Consistent with maximising the impact of rewards, managers should look for ways to increase their visibility. Eliminating the secrecy surrounding pay by openly communicating everyone's remuneration, publicising performance bonuses and allocating annual salary increases in a lump sum rather than spreading them out over an entire year are examples of actions that will make rewards more visible and potentially more motivating. The way rewards are distributed should be transparent so that employees perceive that rewards or outcomes are equitable and equal to the inputs given. On a simplistic level, experience, abilities, effort and other obvious inputs should explain differences in pay, responsibility and other obvious outcomes. The problem, however, is complicated by the existence of dozens of inputs and outcomes and by the fact that employee groups place different degrees of importance on them. For instance, a study comparing clerical and production workers identified nearly twenty inputs and outcomes. The clerical workers considered factors such as quality of work performed and job knowledge near the top of their list, but these were at the bottom of the production workers' list. Similarly, production workers thought that the most important inputs were intelligence and personal involvement with task accomplishment, two factors that were quite low in the importance ratings of the clerks. There were also important, though less dramatic, differences on the outcome side. For example, production workers rated advancement very highly, whereas clerical workers rated advancement in the lower third of their list. Such findings suggest that one person's equity is another's inequity, so an ideal should probably weigh different inputs and outcomes according to employee group. | A shrinking organization tends to lose its less skilled employees rather than its more skilled employees. | c |
id_4105 | Motivating Employees under Adverse Conditions It is a great deal easier to motivate employees in a growing organisation than a declining one. When organisations are expanding and adding personnel, promotional opportunities, pay rises, and the excitement of being associated with a dynamic organisation create feelings of optimism. Management is able to use the growth to entice and encourage employees. When an organisation is shrinking, the best and most mobile workers are prone to leave voluntarily. Unfortunately, they are the ones the organisation can least afford to lose those with the highest skills and experience. The minor employees remain because their job options are limited. Morale also suffers during decline. People fear they may be the next to be made redundant. Productivity often suffers, as employees spend their time sharing rumours and providing one another with moral support rather than focusing on their jobs. For those whose jobs are secure, pay increases are rarely possible. Pay cuts, unheard of during times of growth, may even be imposed. The challenge to management is how to motivate employees under such retrenchment conditions. The ways of meeting this challenge can be broadly divided into six Key Points, which are outlined below. There is an abundance of evidence to support the motivational benefits that result from carefully matching people to jobs. For example, if the job is running a small business or an autonomous unit within a larger business, high achievers should be sought. However, if the job to be filled is a managerial post in a large bureaucratic organisation, a candidate who has a high need for power and a low need for affiliation should be selected. Accordingly, high achievers should not be put into jobs that are inconsistent with their needs. High achievers will do best when the job provides moderately challenging goals and where there is independence and feedback. However, it should be remembered that not everybody is motivated by jobs that are high in independence, variety and responsibility. The literature on goal-setting theory suggests that managers should ensure that all employees have specific goals and receive comments on how well they are doing in those goals. For those with high achievement needs, typically a minority in any organisation, the existence of external goals is less important because high achievers are already internally motivated. The next factor to be determined is whether the goals should be assigned by a manager or collectively set in conjunction with the employees. The answer to that depends on perceptions of goal acceptance and the organisation's culture. If resistance to goals is expected, the use of participation in goal-setting should increase acceptance. If participation is inconsistent with the culture, however, goals should be assigned. If participation and the culture are incongruous, employees are likely to perceive the participation process as manipulative and be negatively affected by it. Regardless of whether goals are achievable or well within management's perceptions of the employee's ability, if employees see them as unachievable they will reduce their effort. Managers must be sure, therefore, that employees feel confident that their efforts can lead to performance goals. For managers, this means that employees must have the capability of doing the job and must regard the appraisal process as valid. Since employees have different needs, what acts as a reinforcement for one may not for another. Managers could use their knowledge of each employee to personalise the rewards over which they have control. Some of the more obvious rewards that managers allocate include pay, promotions, autonomy, job scope and depth, and the opportunity to participate in goal-setting and decision-making. Managers need to make rewards contingent on performance. To reward factors other than performance will only reinforce those other factors. Key rewards such as pay increases and promotions or advancements should be allocated for the attainment of the employee's specific goals. Consistent with maximising the impact of rewards, managers should look for ways to increase their visibility. Eliminating the secrecy surrounding pay by openly communicating everyone's remuneration, publicising performance bonuses and allocating annual salary increases in a lump sum rather than spreading them out over an entire year are examples of actions that will make rewards more visible and potentially more motivating. The way rewards are distributed should be transparent so that employees perceive that rewards or outcomes are equitable and equal to the inputs given. On a simplistic level, experience, abilities, effort and other obvious inputs should explain differences in pay, responsibility and other obvious outcomes. The problem, however, is complicated by the existence of dozens of inputs and outcomes and by the fact that employee groups place different degrees of importance on them. For instance, a study comparing clerical and production workers identified nearly twenty inputs and outcomes. The clerical workers considered factors such as quality of work performed and job knowledge near the top of their list, but these were at the bottom of the production workers' list. Similarly, production workers thought that the most important inputs were intelligence and personal involvement with task accomplishment, two factors that were quite low in the importance ratings of the clerks. There were also important, though less dramatic, differences on the outcome side. For example, production workers rated advancement very highly, whereas clerical workers rated advancement in the lower third of their list. Such findings suggest that one person's equity is another's inequity, so an ideal should probably weigh different inputs and outcomes according to employee group. | It is easier to manage a small business than a large business. | n |
id_4106 | Motivational factors and the hospitality industry A critical ingredient in the success of hotels is developing and maintaining superior performance from their employees. How is that accomplished? What Human Resource Management (HRM) practices should organizations invest in to acquire and retain great employees? Some hotels aim to provide superior working conditions for their employees. The idea originated from workplaces - usually in the non-service sector that emphasized fun and enjoyment as part of work-life balance. By contrast, the service sector, and more specifically hotels, has traditionally not extended these practices to address basic employee needs, such as good working conditions. Pfeffer (1994) emphasizes that in order to succeed in a global business environment, organizations must make investment in Human Resource Management (HRM) to allow them to acquire employees who possess better skills and capabilities than their competitors. This investment will be to their competitive advantage. Despite this recognition of the importance of employee development, the hospitality industry has historically been dominated by underdeveloped HR practices (Lucas, 2002). Lucas also points out that 'the substance of HRM practices does not appear to be designed to foster constructive relations with employees or to represent a managerial approach that enables developing and drawing out the full potential of people, even though employees may be broadly satisfied with many aspects of their work' (Lucas, 2002). In addition, or maybe as a result, high employee turnover has been a recurring problem throughout the hospitality industry. Among the many cited reasons are low compensation, inadequate benefits, poor working conditions and compromised employee morale and attitudes (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Ng and Sorensen (2008) demonstrated that when managers provide recognition to employees, motivate employees to work together, and remove obstacles preventing effective performance, employees feel more obligated to stay with the company. This was succinctly summarized by Michel et al. (2013): 'Providing support to employees gives them the confidence to perform their jobs better and the motivation to stay with the organization. ' Hospitality organizations can therefore enhance employee motivation and retention through the development and improvement of their working conditions. These conditions are inherently linked to the working environment. While it seems likely that employees' reactions to their job characteristics could be affected by a predisposition to view their work environment negatively, no evidence exists to support this hypothesis (Spector et al. , 2000). However, given the opportunity, many people will find something to complain about in relation to their workplace (Poulston, 2009). There is a strong link between the perceptions of employees and particular factors of their work environment that are separate from the work itself, including company policies, salary and vacations. Such conditions are particularly troubling for the luxury hotel market, where high-quality service, requiring a sophisticate d approach to HRM, is recognized as a critical source of competitive advantage (Maroudas et al. , 2008). In a real sense, the services of hotel employees represent their industry (Schneider and Bowen, 1993). This representation has commonly been limited to guest experiences. This suggests that there has been a dichotomy between the guest environment provided in luxury hotels and the working conditions of their employees. It is therefore essential for hotel management to develop HRM practices that enable them to inspire and retain competent employees. This requires an understanding of what motivates employees at different levels of management and different stages of their careers (Enz and Siguaw, 2000). This implies that it is beneficial for hotel managers to understand what practices are most favorable to increase employee satisfaction and retention. Herzberg (1966) proposes that people have two major types of needs, the first being extrinsic motivation factors relating to the context in which work is performed, rather than the work itself. These include working conditions and job security. When these factors are unfavorable, job dissatisfaction may result. Significantly, though, just fulfilling these needs does not result in satisfaction, but only in the reduction of dissatisfaction (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Employees also have intrinsic motivation needs or motivators, which include such factors as achievement and recognition. Unlike extrinsic factors, motivator factors may ideally result in job satisfaction (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Herzberg's (1966) theory discusses the need for a 'balance' of these two types of needs. The impact of fun as a motivating factor at work has also been explored. For example, Tews, Michel and Stafford (2013) conducted a study focusing on staff from a chain of themed restaurants in the United States, It was found that fun activities had a favorable impact on performance and manager support for fun had a favorable impact in reducing turnover. Their findings support the view that fun may indeed have a beneficial effect, but the framing of that fun must be carefully aligned with both organizational goals and employee characteristics. 'Managers must learn how to achieve the delicate balance of allowing employees the freedom to enjoy themselves at work while simultaneously maintaining high levels of performance' (Tews et al. , 2013). Deery (2008) has recommended several actions that can be adopted at the organizational level to retain good staff as well as assist in balancing work and family life. Those particularly appropriate to the hospitality industry include allowing adequate breaks during the working day, staff functions that involve families, and providing health and well-being opportunities. | Staff should be allowed to choose when they take breaks during the working day. | n |
id_4107 | Motivational factors and the hospitality industry A critical ingredient in the success of hotels is developing and maintaining superior performance from their employees. How is that accomplished? What Human Resource Management (HRM) practices should organizations invest in to acquire and retain great employees? Some hotels aim to provide superior working conditions for their employees. The idea originated from workplaces - usually in the non-service sector that emphasized fun and enjoyment as part of work-life balance. By contrast, the service sector, and more specifically hotels, has traditionally not extended these practices to address basic employee needs, such as good working conditions. Pfeffer (1994) emphasizes that in order to succeed in a global business environment, organizations must make investment in Human Resource Management (HRM) to allow them to acquire employees who possess better skills and capabilities than their competitors. This investment will be to their competitive advantage. Despite this recognition of the importance of employee development, the hospitality industry has historically been dominated by underdeveloped HR practices (Lucas, 2002). Lucas also points out that 'the substance of HRM practices does not appear to be designed to foster constructive relations with employees or to represent a managerial approach that enables developing and drawing out the full potential of people, even though employees may be broadly satisfied with many aspects of their work' (Lucas, 2002). In addition, or maybe as a result, high employee turnover has been a recurring problem throughout the hospitality industry. Among the many cited reasons are low compensation, inadequate benefits, poor working conditions and compromised employee morale and attitudes (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Ng and Sorensen (2008) demonstrated that when managers provide recognition to employees, motivate employees to work together, and remove obstacles preventing effective performance, employees feel more obligated to stay with the company. This was succinctly summarized by Michel et al. (2013): 'Providing support to employees gives them the confidence to perform their jobs better and the motivation to stay with the organization. ' Hospitality organizations can therefore enhance employee motivation and retention through the development and improvement of their working conditions. These conditions are inherently linked to the working environment. While it seems likely that employees' reactions to their job characteristics could be affected by a predisposition to view their work environment negatively, no evidence exists to support this hypothesis (Spector et al. , 2000). However, given the opportunity, many people will find something to complain about in relation to their workplace (Poulston, 2009). There is a strong link between the perceptions of employees and particular factors of their work environment that are separate from the work itself, including company policies, salary and vacations. Such conditions are particularly troubling for the luxury hotel market, where high-quality service, requiring a sophisticate d approach to HRM, is recognized as a critical source of competitive advantage (Maroudas et al. , 2008). In a real sense, the services of hotel employees represent their industry (Schneider and Bowen, 1993). This representation has commonly been limited to guest experiences. This suggests that there has been a dichotomy between the guest environment provided in luxury hotels and the working conditions of their employees. It is therefore essential for hotel management to develop HRM practices that enable them to inspire and retain competent employees. This requires an understanding of what motivates employees at different levels of management and different stages of their careers (Enz and Siguaw, 2000). This implies that it is beneficial for hotel managers to understand what practices are most favorable to increase employee satisfaction and retention. Herzberg (1966) proposes that people have two major types of needs, the first being extrinsic motivation factors relating to the context in which work is performed, rather than the work itself. These include working conditions and job security. When these factors are unfavorable, job dissatisfaction may result. Significantly, though, just fulfilling these needs does not result in satisfaction, but only in the reduction of dissatisfaction (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Employees also have intrinsic motivation needs or motivators, which include such factors as achievement and recognition. Unlike extrinsic factors, motivator factors may ideally result in job satisfaction (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Herzberg's (1966) theory discusses the need for a 'balance' of these two types of needs. The impact of fun as a motivating factor at work has also been explored. For example, Tews, Michel and Stafford (2013) conducted a study focusing on staff from a chain of themed restaurants in the United States, It was found that fun activities had a favorable impact on performance and manager support for fun had a favorable impact in reducing turnover. Their findings support the view that fun may indeed have a beneficial effect, but the framing of that fun must be carefully aligned with both organizational goals and employee characteristics. 'Managers must learn how to achieve the delicate balance of allowing employees the freedom to enjoy themselves at work while simultaneously maintaining high levels of performance' (Tews et al. , 2013). Deery (2008) has recommended several actions that can be adopted at the organizational level to retain good staff as well as assist in balancing work and family life. Those particularly appropriate to the hospitality industry include allowing adequate breaks during the working day, staff functions that involve families, and providing health and well-being opportunities. | An improvement in working conditions and job security makes staff satisfied with their jobs. | c |
id_4108 | Motivational factors and the hospitality industry A critical ingredient in the success of hotels is developing and maintaining superior performance from their employees. How is that accomplished? What Human Resource Management (HRM) practices should organizations invest in to acquire and retain great employees? Some hotels aim to provide superior working conditions for their employees. The idea originated from workplaces - usually in the non-service sector that emphasized fun and enjoyment as part of work-life balance. By contrast, the service sector, and more specifically hotels, has traditionally not extended these practices to address basic employee needs, such as good working conditions. Pfeffer (1994) emphasizes that in order to succeed in a global business environment, organizations must make investment in Human Resource Management (HRM) to allow them to acquire employees who possess better skills and capabilities than their competitors. This investment will be to their competitive advantage. Despite this recognition of the importance of employee development, the hospitality industry has historically been dominated by underdeveloped HR practices (Lucas, 2002). Lucas also points out that 'the substance of HRM practices does not appear to be designed to foster constructive relations with employees or to represent a managerial approach that enables developing and drawing out the full potential of people, even though employees may be broadly satisfied with many aspects of their work' (Lucas, 2002). In addition, or maybe as a result, high employee turnover has been a recurring problem throughout the hospitality industry. Among the many cited reasons are low compensation, inadequate benefits, poor working conditions and compromised employee morale and attitudes (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Ng and Sorensen (2008) demonstrated that when managers provide recognition to employees, motivate employees to work together, and remove obstacles preventing effective performance, employees feel more obligated to stay with the company. This was succinctly summarized by Michel et al. (2013): 'Providing support to employees gives them the confidence to perform their jobs better and the motivation to stay with the organization. ' Hospitality organizations can therefore enhance employee motivation and retention through the development and improvement of their working conditions. These conditions are inherently linked to the working environment. While it seems likely that employees' reactions to their job characteristics could be affected by a predisposition to view their work environment negatively, no evidence exists to support this hypothesis (Spector et al. , 2000). However, given the opportunity, many people will find something to complain about in relation to their workplace (Poulston, 2009). There is a strong link between the perceptions of employees and particular factors of their work environment that are separate from the work itself, including company policies, salary and vacations. Such conditions are particularly troubling for the luxury hotel market, where high-quality service, requiring a sophisticate d approach to HRM, is recognized as a critical source of competitive advantage (Maroudas et al. , 2008). In a real sense, the services of hotel employees represent their industry (Schneider and Bowen, 1993). This representation has commonly been limited to guest experiences. This suggests that there has been a dichotomy between the guest environment provided in luxury hotels and the working conditions of their employees. It is therefore essential for hotel management to develop HRM practices that enable them to inspire and retain competent employees. This requires an understanding of what motivates employees at different levels of management and different stages of their careers (Enz and Siguaw, 2000). This implies that it is beneficial for hotel managers to understand what practices are most favorable to increase employee satisfaction and retention. Herzberg (1966) proposes that people have two major types of needs, the first being extrinsic motivation factors relating to the context in which work is performed, rather than the work itself. These include working conditions and job security. When these factors are unfavorable, job dissatisfaction may result. Significantly, though, just fulfilling these needs does not result in satisfaction, but only in the reduction of dissatisfaction (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Employees also have intrinsic motivation needs or motivators, which include such factors as achievement and recognition. Unlike extrinsic factors, motivator factors may ideally result in job satisfaction (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Herzberg's (1966) theory discusses the need for a 'balance' of these two types of needs. The impact of fun as a motivating factor at work has also been explored. For example, Tews, Michel and Stafford (2013) conducted a study focusing on staff from a chain of themed restaurants in the United States, It was found that fun activities had a favorable impact on performance and manager support for fun had a favorable impact in reducing turnover. Their findings support the view that fun may indeed have a beneficial effect, but the framing of that fun must be carefully aligned with both organizational goals and employee characteristics. 'Managers must learn how to achieve the delicate balance of allowing employees the freedom to enjoy themselves at work while simultaneously maintaining high levels of performance' (Tews et al. , 2013). Deery (2008) has recommended several actions that can be adopted at the organizational level to retain good staff as well as assist in balancing work and family life. Those particularly appropriate to the hospitality industry include allowing adequate breaks during the working day, staff functions that involve families, and providing health and well-being opportunities. | One reason for high staff turnover in the hospitality industry is poor morale. | e |
id_4109 | Motivational factors and the hospitality industry A critical ingredient in the success of hotels is developing and maintaining superior performance from their employees. How is that accomplished? What Human Resource Management (HRM) practices should organizations invest in to acquire and retain great employees? Some hotels aim to provide superior working conditions for their employees. The idea originated from workplaces - usually in the non-service sector that emphasized fun and enjoyment as part of work-life balance. By contrast, the service sector, and more specifically hotels, has traditionally not extended these practices to address basic employee needs, such as good working conditions. Pfeffer (1994) emphasizes that in order to succeed in a global business environment, organizations must make investment in Human Resource Management (HRM) to allow them to acquire employees who possess better skills and capabilities than their competitors. This investment will be to their competitive advantage. Despite this recognition of the importance of employee development, the hospitality industry has historically been dominated by underdeveloped HR practices (Lucas, 2002). Lucas also points out that 'the substance of HRM practices does not appear to be designed to foster constructive relations with employees or to represent a managerial approach that enables developing and drawing out the full potential of people, even though employees may be broadly satisfied with many aspects of their work' (Lucas, 2002). In addition, or maybe as a result, high employee turnover has been a recurring problem throughout the hospitality industry. Among the many cited reasons are low compensation, inadequate benefits, poor working conditions and compromised employee morale and attitudes (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Ng and Sorensen (2008) demonstrated that when managers provide recognition to employees, motivate employees to work together, and remove obstacles preventing effective performance, employees feel more obligated to stay with the company. This was succinctly summarized by Michel et al. (2013): 'Providing support to employees gives them the confidence to perform their jobs better and the motivation to stay with the organization. ' Hospitality organizations can therefore enhance employee motivation and retention through the development and improvement of their working conditions. These conditions are inherently linked to the working environment. While it seems likely that employees' reactions to their job characteristics could be affected by a predisposition to view their work environment negatively, no evidence exists to support this hypothesis (Spector et al. , 2000). However, given the opportunity, many people will find something to complain about in relation to their workplace (Poulston, 2009). There is a strong link between the perceptions of employees and particular factors of their work environment that are separate from the work itself, including company policies, salary and vacations. Such conditions are particularly troubling for the luxury hotel market, where high-quality service, requiring a sophisticate d approach to HRM, is recognized as a critical source of competitive advantage (Maroudas et al. , 2008). In a real sense, the services of hotel employees represent their industry (Schneider and Bowen, 1993). This representation has commonly been limited to guest experiences. This suggests that there has been a dichotomy between the guest environment provided in luxury hotels and the working conditions of their employees. It is therefore essential for hotel management to develop HRM practices that enable them to inspire and retain competent employees. This requires an understanding of what motivates employees at different levels of management and different stages of their careers (Enz and Siguaw, 2000). This implies that it is beneficial for hotel managers to understand what practices are most favorable to increase employee satisfaction and retention. Herzberg (1966) proposes that people have two major types of needs, the first being extrinsic motivation factors relating to the context in which work is performed, rather than the work itself. These include working conditions and job security. When these factors are unfavorable, job dissatisfaction may result. Significantly, though, just fulfilling these needs does not result in satisfaction, but only in the reduction of dissatisfaction (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Employees also have intrinsic motivation needs or motivators, which include such factors as achievement and recognition. Unlike extrinsic factors, motivator factors may ideally result in job satisfaction (Maroudas et al. , 2008). Herzberg's (1966) theory discusses the need for a 'balance' of these two types of needs. The impact of fun as a motivating factor at work has also been explored. For example, Tews, Michel and Stafford (2013) conducted a study focusing on staff from a chain of themed restaurants in the United States, It was found that fun activities had a favorable impact on performance and manager support for fun had a favorable impact in reducing turnover. Their findings support the view that fun may indeed have a beneficial effect, but the framing of that fun must be carefully aligned with both organizational goals and employee characteristics. 'Managers must learn how to achieve the delicate balance of allowing employees the freedom to enjoy themselves at work while simultaneously maintaining high levels of performance' (Tews et al. , 2013). Deery (2008) has recommended several actions that can be adopted at the organizational level to retain good staff as well as assist in balancing work and family life. Those particularly appropriate to the hospitality industry include allowing adequate breaks during the working day, staff functions that involve families, and providing health and well-being opportunities. | Research has shown that staff have a tendency to dislike their workplace. | c |
id_4110 | Mr Everton and Mr Soames have longer holidays than Mr Francke. Mr Porter has a shorter holiday than Mr Francke, whilst Mr Peters has a longer holiday than Mr Francke. | Mr Porter has the shortest holiday | e |
id_4111 | Mr Marxs and Mr Bagshaws cars are black. The others have red ones. Mr Bagshaw and Mrs Chance have a white stripe on the sides of their cars. Miss Jenkins has a blue stripe on the side of her car. Mr Fleming and Mr Marx have silver stripes on the sides of their cars. Miss Jenkinss and Mr Flemings have blue upholstery, the others have white. | Mr Marx has a car with a silver stripe and white upholstery | e |
id_4112 | Mr Marxs and Mr Bagshaws cars are black. The others have red ones. Mr Bagshaw and Mrs Chance have a white stripe on the sides of their cars. Miss Jenkins has a blue stripe on the side of her car. Mr Fleming and Mr Marx have silver stripes on the sides of their cars. Miss Jenkinss and Mr Flemings have blue upholstery, the others have white. | Mr Fleming has a car with blue upholstery and a silver stripe | e |
id_4113 | Mr Marxs and Mr Bagshaws cars are black. The others have red ones. Mr Bagshaw and Mrs Chance have a white stripe on the sides of their cars. Miss Jenkins has a blue stripe on the side of her car. Mr Fleming and Mr Marx have silver stripes on the sides of their cars. Miss Jenkinss and Mr Flemings have blue upholstery, the others have white. | Miss Jenkins has the red car with a blue stripe and matching upholstery | e |
id_4114 | Mr and Mrs Cross were going to Portugal for a short mid-winter break. The journey to the airport took exactly 45 minutes and as the flight was at 5.15 am, and they had to check in at least one hour before departure, they arranged for a taxi to pick them up at 3.15 am. The taxi was late and they did not arrive at the airport until 50 minutes before the scheduled departure time. When they arrived at the airport they found that the flight was delayed because of a fault in the aircraft. The flight eventually left at 6.40 am and arrived in Faro, Portugal at 9.30 am. It is also known that: Because their luggage exceeded the weight allowance a surcharge of 22 had to be paid. While waiting to depart Mr and Mrs Cross were provided with complimentary coffee and doughnuts in the Airport Cafe. The couple had hired a small three-door car for the period of their stay in Portugal. Because of a medical condition Mr Cross does not drive. The hotel in which the couple were staying was close to the sea front. | The hire car was collected at Faro airport. | n |
id_4115 | Mr and Mrs Cross were going to Portugal for a short mid-winter break. The journey to the airport took exactly 45 minutes and as the flight was at 5.15 am, and they had to check in at least one hour before departure, they arranged for a taxi to pick them up at 3.15 am. The taxi was late and they did not arrive at the airport until 50 minutes before the scheduled departure time. When they arrived at the airport they found that the flight was delayed because of a fault in the aircraft. The flight eventually left at 6.40 am and arrived in Faro, Portugal at 9.30 am. It is also known that: Because their luggage exceeded the weight allowance a surcharge of 22 had to be paid. While waiting to depart Mr and Mrs Cross were provided with complimentary coffee and doughnuts in the Airport Cafe. The couple had hired a small three-door car for the period of their stay in Portugal. Because of a medical condition Mr Cross does not drive. The hotel in which the couple were staying was close to the sea front. | The taxi was late because the driver lost his way. | n |
id_4116 | Mr and Mrs Cross were going to Portugal for a short mid-winter break. The journey to the airport took exactly 45 minutes and as the flight was at 5.15 am, and they had to check in at least one hour before departure, they arranged for a taxi to pick them up at 3.15 am. The taxi was late and they did not arrive at the airport until 50 minutes before the scheduled departure time. When they arrived at the airport they found that the flight was delayed because of a fault in the aircraft. The flight eventually left at 6.40 am and arrived in Faro, Portugal at 9.30 am. It is also known that: Because their luggage exceeded the weight allowance a surcharge of 22 had to be paid. While waiting to depart Mr and Mrs Cross were provided with complimentary coffee and doughnuts in the Airport Cafe. The couple had hired a small three-door car for the period of their stay in Portugal. Because of a medical condition Mr Cross does not drive. The hotel in which the couple were staying was close to the sea front. | The flight to Portugal took 2 hours 40 minutes. | c |
id_4117 | Mr and Mrs Cross were going to Portugal for a short mid-winter break. The journey to the airport took exactly 45 minutes and as the flight was at 5.15 am, and they had to check in at least one hour before departure, they arranged for a taxi to pick them up at 3.15 am. The taxi was late and they did not arrive at the airport until 50 minutes before the scheduled departure time. When they arrived at the airport they found that the flight was delayed because of a fault in the aircraft. The flight eventually left at 6.40 am and arrived in Faro, Portugal at 9.30 am. It is also known that: Because their luggage exceeded the weight allowance a surcharge of 22 had to be paid. While waiting to depart Mr and Mrs Cross were provided with complimentary coffee and doughnuts in the Airport Cafe. The couple had hired a small three-door car for the period of their stay in Portugal. Because of a medical condition Mr Cross does not drive. The hotel in which the couple were staying was close to the sea front. | The taxi arrived at the airport at 4.25 am. | e |
id_4118 | Mr and Mrs Cross were going to Portugal for a short mid-winter break. The journey to the airport took exactly 45 minutes and as the flight was at 5.15 am, and they had to check in at least one hour before departure, they arranged for a taxi to pick them up at 3.15 am. The taxi was late and they did not arrive at the airport until 50 minutes before the scheduled departure time. When they arrived at the airport they found that the flight was delayed because of a fault in the aircraft. The flight eventually left at 6.40 am and arrived in Faro, Portugal at 9.30 am. It is also known that: Because their luggage exceeded the weight allowance a surcharge of 22 had to be paid. While waiting to depart Mr and Mrs Cross were provided with complimentary coffee and doughnuts in the Airport Cafe. The couple had hired a small three-door car for the period of their stay in Portugal. Because of a medical condition Mr Cross does not drive. The hotel in which the couple were staying was close to the sea front. | The couple bought breakfast while waiting for the flight. | c |
id_4119 | Mrs Booth has difficulty feeding her four children as each one will only eat certain foods. Sharon and Robina will eat rice and lamb. Kelly and Sharon are the only ones who like bread and cheese. Kelly and Sam both eat chicken and bread. | Robina does not eat cheese, but does eat lamb and rice | e |
id_4120 | Mrs Booth has difficulty feeding her four children as each one will only eat certain foods. Sharon and Robina will eat rice and lamb. Kelly and Sharon are the only ones who like bread and cheese. Kelly and Sam both eat chicken and bread. | Kelly eats cheese, chicken and bread | e |
id_4121 | Mrs Booth has difficulty feeding her four children as each one will only eat certain foods. Sharon and Robina will eat rice and lamb. Kelly and Sharon are the only ones who like bread and cheese. Kelly and Sam both eat chicken and bread. | chicken is the only food that Sharon does not eat | e |
id_4122 | Mrs Booth has difficulty feeding her four children as each one will only eat certain foods. Sharon and Robina will eat rice and lamb. Kelly and Sharon are the only ones who like bread and cheese. Kelly and Sam both eat chicken and bread. | bread will be acceptable to most of the children | e |
id_4123 | Mrs Hilda Jessop was knocked over by a car on Sutton Road in Forestown at 7.00 pm on the evening of Sunday 8 February. The emergency services were called to the scene of the accident and Mrs Jessop was rushed to the General Hospital, but was later pronounced as being dead on arrival. The following facts are also known: Len Peel has been charged at the Magistrates Court with driving without due care, and causing the death of Mrs Jessop. Mrs Jessop was returning home after attending the birthday celebrations of a friend she knew from Church. It had rained earlier in the day, but the weather had changed during the afternoon and by early evening the temperatures had unexpectedly fallen to below freezing point. The car that Mr Peel was driving when the accident occurred was recently refused an MOT certificate by a local garage because of faulty brakes. Local residents have been complaining to the local council about the inadequacy of the street lighting along the stretch of Sutton Road where the fatal accident occurred. | Mrs Jessop was returning home from Church when the car accident occurred. | c |
id_4124 | Mrs Hilda Jessop was knocked over by a car on Sutton Road in Forestown at 7.00 pm on the evening of Sunday 8 February. The emergency services were called to the scene of the accident and Mrs Jessop was rushed to the General Hospital, but was later pronounced as being dead on arrival. The following facts are also known: Len Peel has been charged at the Magistrates Court with driving without due care, and causing the death of Mrs Jessop. Mrs Jessop was returning home after attending the birthday celebrations of a friend she knew from Church. It had rained earlier in the day, but the weather had changed during the afternoon and by early evening the temperatures had unexpectedly fallen to below freezing point. The car that Mr Peel was driving when the accident occurred was recently refused an MOT certificate by a local garage because of faulty brakes. Local residents have been complaining to the local council about the inadequacy of the street lighting along the stretch of Sutton Road where the fatal accident occurred. | The car accident occurred in Sutton Road on the evening of the second Sunday in February. | e |
id_4125 | Mrs Hilda Jessop was knocked over by a car on Sutton Road in Forestown at 7.00 pm on the evening of Sunday 8 February. The emergency services were called to the scene of the accident and Mrs Jessop was rushed to the General Hospital, but was later pronounced as being dead on arrival. The following facts are also known: Len Peel has been charged at the Magistrates Court with driving without due care, and causing the death of Mrs Jessop. Mrs Jessop was returning home after attending the birthday celebrations of a friend she knew from Church. It had rained earlier in the day, but the weather had changed during the afternoon and by early evening the temperatures had unexpectedly fallen to below freezing point. The car that Mr Peel was driving when the accident occurred was recently refused an MOT certificate by a local garage because of faulty brakes. Local residents have been complaining to the local council about the inadequacy of the street lighting along the stretch of Sutton Road where the fatal accident occurred. | Mrs Jessop was already dead from her injuries by the time the emergency services arrived at the scene of the accident in Sutton Road. | n |
id_4126 | Mrs Hilda Jessop was knocked over by a car on Sutton Road in Forestown at 7.00 pm on the evening of Sunday 8 February. The emergency services were called to the scene of the accident and Mrs Jessop was rushed to the General Hospital, but was later pronounced as being dead on arrival. The following facts are also known: Len Peel has been charged at the Magistrates Court with driving without due care, and causing the death of Mrs Jessop. Mrs Jessop was returning home after attending the birthday celebrations of a friend she knew from Church. It had rained earlier in the day, but the weather had changed during the afternoon and by early evening the temperatures had unexpectedly fallen to below freezing point. The car that Mr Peel was driving when the accident occurred was recently refused an MOT certificate by a local garage because of faulty brakes. Local residents have been complaining to the local council about the inadequacy of the street lighting along the stretch of Sutton Road where the fatal accident occurred. | The car Mr Peel was driving at the time of the accident had faulty brakes. | n |
id_4127 | Mrs Hilda Jessop was knocked over by a car on Sutton Road in Forestown at 7.00 pm on the evening of Sunday 8 February. The emergency services were called to the scene of the accident and Mrs Jessop was rushed to the General Hospital, but was later pronounced as being dead on arrival. The following facts are also known: Len Peel has been charged at the Magistrates Court with driving without due care, and causing the death of Mrs Jessop. Mrs Jessop was returning home after attending the birthday celebrations of a friend she knew from Church. It had rained earlier in the day, but the weather had changed during the afternoon and by early evening the temperatures had unexpectedly fallen to below freezing point. The car that Mr Peel was driving when the accident occurred was recently refused an MOT certificate by a local garage because of faulty brakes. Local residents have been complaining to the local council about the inadequacy of the street lighting along the stretch of Sutton Road where the fatal accident occurred. | The sudden drop in temperature, the road conditions and poor street lighting may have contributed to the car accident in which Mrs Jessop suffered fatal injuries. | e |
id_4128 | Mrs. Carlill and the Carbolic Smoke Ball On 14 January 1892, Queen Victorias grandson Prince Albert Victor, second in line to the British throne, died from flu. He had succumbed to the third and most lethal wave of the Russian flu pandemic sweeping the world. The nation was shocked. The people mourned. Albert was relegated to a footnote in history. Three days later, London housewife Louisa Carlill went down with flu. She was shocked. For two months, she had inhaled thrice daily from a carbolic smoke ball, a preventive measure guaranteed to fend off flu if you believed the advert. Which she did. And why shouldnt she when the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company had promised to cough up 100 for any customer who fell ill? Unlike Albert, Louisa recovered, claimed her 100 and set in train events that would win her lasting fame. It started in the spring of 1889. The first reports of a flu epidemic came from Russia. By the end of the year, the world was in the grip of the first truly global flu pandemic. The disease came in waves, once a year for the next four years, and each worse than the last. Whole cities came to a standstill. London was especially hard-hit. As the flu reached each annual peak, normal life stopped. The postal service ground to a halt, trains stopped running, banks closed. Even courts stopped sitting for lack of judges. At the height of the third wave in 1892, 200 people were buried every day at just one London cemetery. This flu was far more lethal than previous epidemics, and those who recovered were left weak, depressed, and often unfit for work. It was a picture repeated across the continent. Accurate figures for the number of the sick and dead were few and far between but Paris, Berlin and Vienna all reported a huge upsurge in deaths. The newspapers took an intense interest in the disease, not just because of the scale of it but because of who it attacked. Most epidemics carried off the poor and weak, the old and frail. This flu was cutting as great a swathe through the upper classes, dealing death to the rich and famous, and the young and fit. The newspaper-reading public was fed a daily diet of celebrity victims. The flu had worked its way through the Russian imperial family and invaded the royal palaces of Europe. It carried off the Dowager Empress of Germany and the second son of the king of Italy, as well as Englands future king. Aristocrats and politicians, poets and opera singers, bishops and cardinals none escaped the attentions of the Russian flu. The public grew increasingly fearful. The press might have been overdoing the doom and gloom, but their hysterical coverage had exposed one terrible fact. The medical profession had no answer to the disease. This flu, which might ft not even have begun in Russia, was a mystery. What caused it and how did it spread? No one could agree on anything. By now, the theory that micro-organisms caused disease was gaining ground, g but no one had identified an organism responsible for flu (and wouldnt until 1933). In the absence of a germ, many clung to the old idea of bad airs, or miasmas, possibly stirred by some great physical force earthquakes, perhaps, or electrical phenomena in the upper atmosphere, even a passing comet. Doctors advised people to eat well avoiding unnecessary assemblies, and if they were really worried, to stuff cotton wool up their nostrils. If they fell ill, they should rest, keep warm and eat a nourishing diet of milk, eggs and farinaceous puddings. Alcohol figured prominently among the prescriptions: one eminent English doctor suggested champagne, although he conceded brandy M in considerable quantities has sometimes been given with manifest advantages. French doctors prescribed warm alcoholic drinks, arguing that they never saw an alcoholic with flu. Their prescription had immediate results: over a three-day period, 1,200 of the 1,500 drunks picked up on the streets of Paris claimed they were following doctors orders. Some doctors gave drugs to ease symptoms quinine for fever, salicin for headache, heroin for an incessant cough. But nothing in the pharmacy remotely resembled a cure. Not surprisingly, people looked elsewhere for help. Hoping to cash in while the pandemic lasted, purveyors of patent medicines competed for the publics custom with ever more outrageous advertisements. One of the most successful was the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company. The carbolic smoke ball was a hollow rubber ball, 5 centimetres across, with a nozzle covered by gauze. Inside was a powder treated with carbolic acid, or phenol. The idea was to clutch it close to the nose and squeeze gently, inhaling deeply from the emerging cloud of pungent powder. This, the company claimed, would disinfect the mucous membranes, curing any condition related to taking cold. In the summer of 1890, sales were steady at 300 smoke balls a month. In January 1891, the figure skyrocketed to 1,500. Eager to exploit the publics mounting panic, the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company made increasingly extravagant claims. Oh 13 November 1892, its latest advert in the Pall Mall Gazette caught the eye of south London housewife Louisa Carlill. Carbolic Smoke Ball, it declared, will positively cure colds, coughs, asthma, bronchitis, hoarseness, influenza, croup, whooping cough .... And the list went on. But it was the next part Mrs. Carlill found compelling. A 100 reward will be paid by the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company to any person who contracts the increasing epidemic influenza, colds or any disease caused by taking cold, after having used the carbolic smoke ball according to the printed directions supplied with each ball. 1,000 is deposited with the Alliance bank, Regent Street, showing our sincerity in the matter. Mrs. Carlill hurried off to buy a smoke ball, price 10 shillings. After carefully reading the instructions, she diligently dosed herself thrice daily until 17 January when she fell ill. On 20 January, Louisas husband wrote to the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company. Unfortunately for them, Mr. Carlill happened to be a solicitor. His wife, he wrote, had seen their advert and bought a smoke ball on the strength of it. She had followed the instructions to the letter, and yet now as their doctor could confirm she had flu. There was no reply. But 100 was not a sum to be sneezed at. Mr. Carlill persisted. The company resisted. Louisa recovered and sued. In June, Mr. Justice Hawkins found in Mrs. Carlills favour. The companys main defence was that adverts were mere puffery and only an idiot would believe such extravagant claims. Judge Hawkins pointed out that adverts were not aimed at the wise and thoughtful, but at the credulous and weak. A vendor who made a promise must not be surprised if occasionally he is held to his promise. Carbolic appealed. In December, three lord justices considered the case. Carbolics lawyers tried several lines of defence. But in the end, the case came down to a single matter: not whether the remedy was useless, or whether Carbolic had committed fraud, but whether its advert constituted a contract which the company had broken. A contract required agreement between two parties, argued Carbolics lawyers. What agreement had Mrs. Carlill made with them? There were times, the judges decided, when a contract could be one-sided. The advert had made a very specific offer to purchasers: protection from flu or 100. By using the smoke ball as instructed, Mrs. Carlill had accepted that offer. The company might just have wriggled out of if if it hadnt added the bit about the 1,000 deposit. That, said the judges, gave buyers reason to believe Carbolic meant what it said. It seems to me that if a person chooses to make extravagant promises of this kind, he probably does so because it pays him to make them, and, if he has made them, the extravagance of the promises is no reason in law why he should not be bound by them, pronounced Lord Justice Bowen. Louisa got her 100. The case established the principle of the unilateral contract and is frequently cited today. | People used to believe flu was caused by miasmas. | e |
id_4129 | Mrs. Carlill and the Carbolic Smoke Ball On 14 January 1892, Queen Victorias grandson Prince Albert Victor, second in line to the British throne, died from flu. He had succumbed to the third and most lethal wave of the Russian flu pandemic sweeping the world. The nation was shocked. The people mourned. Albert was relegated to a footnote in history. Three days later, London housewife Louisa Carlill went down with flu. She was shocked. For two months, she had inhaled thrice daily from a carbolic smoke ball, a preventive measure guaranteed to fend off flu if you believed the advert. Which she did. And why shouldnt she when the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company had promised to cough up 100 for any customer who fell ill? Unlike Albert, Louisa recovered, claimed her 100 and set in train events that would win her lasting fame. It started in the spring of 1889. The first reports of a flu epidemic came from Russia. By the end of the year, the world was in the grip of the first truly global flu pandemic. The disease came in waves, once a year for the next four years, and each worse than the last. Whole cities came to a standstill. London was especially hard-hit. As the flu reached each annual peak, normal life stopped. The postal service ground to a halt, trains stopped running, banks closed. Even courts stopped sitting for lack of judges. At the height of the third wave in 1892, 200 people were buried every day at just one London cemetery. This flu was far more lethal than previous epidemics, and those who recovered were left weak, depressed, and often unfit for work. It was a picture repeated across the continent. Accurate figures for the number of the sick and dead were few and far between but Paris, Berlin and Vienna all reported a huge upsurge in deaths. The newspapers took an intense interest in the disease, not just because of the scale of it but because of who it attacked. Most epidemics carried off the poor and weak, the old and frail. This flu was cutting as great a swathe through the upper classes, dealing death to the rich and famous, and the young and fit. The newspaper-reading public was fed a daily diet of celebrity victims. The flu had worked its way through the Russian imperial family and invaded the royal palaces of Europe. It carried off the Dowager Empress of Germany and the second son of the king of Italy, as well as Englands future king. Aristocrats and politicians, poets and opera singers, bishops and cardinals none escaped the attentions of the Russian flu. The public grew increasingly fearful. The press might have been overdoing the doom and gloom, but their hysterical coverage had exposed one terrible fact. The medical profession had no answer to the disease. This flu, which might ft not even have begun in Russia, was a mystery. What caused it and how did it spread? No one could agree on anything. By now, the theory that micro-organisms caused disease was gaining ground, g but no one had identified an organism responsible for flu (and wouldnt until 1933). In the absence of a germ, many clung to the old idea of bad airs, or miasmas, possibly stirred by some great physical force earthquakes, perhaps, or electrical phenomena in the upper atmosphere, even a passing comet. Doctors advised people to eat well avoiding unnecessary assemblies, and if they were really worried, to stuff cotton wool up their nostrils. If they fell ill, they should rest, keep warm and eat a nourishing diet of milk, eggs and farinaceous puddings. Alcohol figured prominently among the prescriptions: one eminent English doctor suggested champagne, although he conceded brandy M in considerable quantities has sometimes been given with manifest advantages. French doctors prescribed warm alcoholic drinks, arguing that they never saw an alcoholic with flu. Their prescription had immediate results: over a three-day period, 1,200 of the 1,500 drunks picked up on the streets of Paris claimed they were following doctors orders. Some doctors gave drugs to ease symptoms quinine for fever, salicin for headache, heroin for an incessant cough. But nothing in the pharmacy remotely resembled a cure. Not surprisingly, people looked elsewhere for help. Hoping to cash in while the pandemic lasted, purveyors of patent medicines competed for the publics custom with ever more outrageous advertisements. One of the most successful was the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company. The carbolic smoke ball was a hollow rubber ball, 5 centimetres across, with a nozzle covered by gauze. Inside was a powder treated with carbolic acid, or phenol. The idea was to clutch it close to the nose and squeeze gently, inhaling deeply from the emerging cloud of pungent powder. This, the company claimed, would disinfect the mucous membranes, curing any condition related to taking cold. In the summer of 1890, sales were steady at 300 smoke balls a month. In January 1891, the figure skyrocketed to 1,500. Eager to exploit the publics mounting panic, the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company made increasingly extravagant claims. Oh 13 November 1892, its latest advert in the Pall Mall Gazette caught the eye of south London housewife Louisa Carlill. Carbolic Smoke Ball, it declared, will positively cure colds, coughs, asthma, bronchitis, hoarseness, influenza, croup, whooping cough .... And the list went on. But it was the next part Mrs. Carlill found compelling. A 100 reward will be paid by the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company to any person who contracts the increasing epidemic influenza, colds or any disease caused by taking cold, after having used the carbolic smoke ball according to the printed directions supplied with each ball. 1,000 is deposited with the Alliance bank, Regent Street, showing our sincerity in the matter. Mrs. Carlill hurried off to buy a smoke ball, price 10 shillings. After carefully reading the instructions, she diligently dosed herself thrice daily until 17 January when she fell ill. On 20 January, Louisas husband wrote to the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company. Unfortunately for them, Mr. Carlill happened to be a solicitor. His wife, he wrote, had seen their advert and bought a smoke ball on the strength of it. She had followed the instructions to the letter, and yet now as their doctor could confirm she had flu. There was no reply. But 100 was not a sum to be sneezed at. Mr. Carlill persisted. The company resisted. Louisa recovered and sued. In June, Mr. Justice Hawkins found in Mrs. Carlills favour. The companys main defence was that adverts were mere puffery and only an idiot would believe such extravagant claims. Judge Hawkins pointed out that adverts were not aimed at the wise and thoughtful, but at the credulous and weak. A vendor who made a promise must not be surprised if occasionally he is held to his promise. Carbolic appealed. In December, three lord justices considered the case. Carbolics lawyers tried several lines of defence. But in the end, the case came down to a single matter: not whether the remedy was useless, or whether Carbolic had committed fraud, but whether its advert constituted a contract which the company had broken. A contract required agreement between two parties, argued Carbolics lawyers. What agreement had Mrs. Carlill made with them? There were times, the judges decided, when a contract could be one-sided. The advert had made a very specific offer to purchasers: protection from flu or 100. By using the smoke ball as instructed, Mrs. Carlill had accepted that offer. The company might just have wriggled out of if if it hadnt added the bit about the 1,000 deposit. That, said the judges, gave buyers reason to believe Carbolic meant what it said. It seems to me that if a person chooses to make extravagant promises of this kind, he probably does so because it pays him to make them, and, if he has made them, the extravagance of the promises is no reason in law why he should not be bound by them, pronounced Lord Justice Bowen. Louisa got her 100. The case established the principle of the unilateral contract and is frequently cited today. | At the time of the flu pandemic, people didnt know the link between micro-organisms and illnesses. | c |
id_4130 | Mrs. Carlill and the Carbolic Smoke Ball On 14 January 1892, Queen Victorias grandson Prince Albert Victor, second in line to the British throne, died from flu. He had succumbed to the third and most lethal wave of the Russian flu pandemic sweeping the world. The nation was shocked. The people mourned. Albert was relegated to a footnote in history. Three days later, London housewife Louisa Carlill went down with flu. She was shocked. For two months, she had inhaled thrice daily from a carbolic smoke ball, a preventive measure guaranteed to fend off flu if you believed the advert. Which she did. And why shouldnt she when the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company had promised to cough up 100 for any customer who fell ill? Unlike Albert, Louisa recovered, claimed her 100 and set in train events that would win her lasting fame. It started in the spring of 1889. The first reports of a flu epidemic came from Russia. By the end of the year, the world was in the grip of the first truly global flu pandemic. The disease came in waves, once a year for the next four years, and each worse than the last. Whole cities came to a standstill. London was especially hard-hit. As the flu reached each annual peak, normal life stopped. The postal service ground to a halt, trains stopped running, banks closed. Even courts stopped sitting for lack of judges. At the height of the third wave in 1892, 200 people were buried every day at just one London cemetery. This flu was far more lethal than previous epidemics, and those who recovered were left weak, depressed, and often unfit for work. It was a picture repeated across the continent. Accurate figures for the number of the sick and dead were few and far between but Paris, Berlin and Vienna all reported a huge upsurge in deaths. The newspapers took an intense interest in the disease, not just because of the scale of it but because of who it attacked. Most epidemics carried off the poor and weak, the old and frail. This flu was cutting as great a swathe through the upper classes, dealing death to the rich and famous, and the young and fit. The newspaper-reading public was fed a daily diet of celebrity victims. The flu had worked its way through the Russian imperial family and invaded the royal palaces of Europe. It carried off the Dowager Empress of Germany and the second son of the king of Italy, as well as Englands future king. Aristocrats and politicians, poets and opera singers, bishops and cardinals none escaped the attentions of the Russian flu. The public grew increasingly fearful. The press might have been overdoing the doom and gloom, but their hysterical coverage had exposed one terrible fact. The medical profession had no answer to the disease. This flu, which might ft not even have begun in Russia, was a mystery. What caused it and how did it spread? No one could agree on anything. By now, the theory that micro-organisms caused disease was gaining ground, g but no one had identified an organism responsible for flu (and wouldnt until 1933). In the absence of a germ, many clung to the old idea of bad airs, or miasmas, possibly stirred by some great physical force earthquakes, perhaps, or electrical phenomena in the upper atmosphere, even a passing comet. Doctors advised people to eat well avoiding unnecessary assemblies, and if they were really worried, to stuff cotton wool up their nostrils. If they fell ill, they should rest, keep warm and eat a nourishing diet of milk, eggs and farinaceous puddings. Alcohol figured prominently among the prescriptions: one eminent English doctor suggested champagne, although he conceded brandy M in considerable quantities has sometimes been given with manifest advantages. French doctors prescribed warm alcoholic drinks, arguing that they never saw an alcoholic with flu. Their prescription had immediate results: over a three-day period, 1,200 of the 1,500 drunks picked up on the streets of Paris claimed they were following doctors orders. Some doctors gave drugs to ease symptoms quinine for fever, salicin for headache, heroin for an incessant cough. But nothing in the pharmacy remotely resembled a cure. Not surprisingly, people looked elsewhere for help. Hoping to cash in while the pandemic lasted, purveyors of patent medicines competed for the publics custom with ever more outrageous advertisements. One of the most successful was the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company. The carbolic smoke ball was a hollow rubber ball, 5 centimetres across, with a nozzle covered by gauze. Inside was a powder treated with carbolic acid, or phenol. The idea was to clutch it close to the nose and squeeze gently, inhaling deeply from the emerging cloud of pungent powder. This, the company claimed, would disinfect the mucous membranes, curing any condition related to taking cold. In the summer of 1890, sales were steady at 300 smoke balls a month. In January 1891, the figure skyrocketed to 1,500. Eager to exploit the publics mounting panic, the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company made increasingly extravagant claims. Oh 13 November 1892, its latest advert in the Pall Mall Gazette caught the eye of south London housewife Louisa Carlill. Carbolic Smoke Ball, it declared, will positively cure colds, coughs, asthma, bronchitis, hoarseness, influenza, croup, whooping cough .... And the list went on. But it was the next part Mrs. Carlill found compelling. A 100 reward will be paid by the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company to any person who contracts the increasing epidemic influenza, colds or any disease caused by taking cold, after having used the carbolic smoke ball according to the printed directions supplied with each ball. 1,000 is deposited with the Alliance bank, Regent Street, showing our sincerity in the matter. Mrs. Carlill hurried off to buy a smoke ball, price 10 shillings. After carefully reading the instructions, she diligently dosed herself thrice daily until 17 January when she fell ill. On 20 January, Louisas husband wrote to the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company. Unfortunately for them, Mr. Carlill happened to be a solicitor. His wife, he wrote, had seen their advert and bought a smoke ball on the strength of it. She had followed the instructions to the letter, and yet now as their doctor could confirm she had flu. There was no reply. But 100 was not a sum to be sneezed at. Mr. Carlill persisted. The company resisted. Louisa recovered and sued. In June, Mr. Justice Hawkins found in Mrs. Carlills favour. The companys main defence was that adverts were mere puffery and only an idiot would believe such extravagant claims. Judge Hawkins pointed out that adverts were not aimed at the wise and thoughtful, but at the credulous and weak. A vendor who made a promise must not be surprised if occasionally he is held to his promise. Carbolic appealed. In December, three lord justices considered the case. Carbolics lawyers tried several lines of defence. But in the end, the case came down to a single matter: not whether the remedy was useless, or whether Carbolic had committed fraud, but whether its advert constituted a contract which the company had broken. A contract required agreement between two parties, argued Carbolics lawyers. What agreement had Mrs. Carlill made with them? There were times, the judges decided, when a contract could be one-sided. The advert had made a very specific offer to purchasers: protection from flu or 100. By using the smoke ball as instructed, Mrs. Carlill had accepted that offer. The company might just have wriggled out of if if it hadnt added the bit about the 1,000 deposit. That, said the judges, gave buyers reason to believe Carbolic meant what it said. It seems to me that if a person chooses to make extravagant promises of this kind, he probably does so because it pays him to make them, and, if he has made them, the extravagance of the promises is no reason in law why he should not be bound by them, pronounced Lord Justice Bowen. Louisa got her 100. The case established the principle of the unilateral contract and is frequently cited today. | Flu prescriptions often contained harmful ingredients. | n |
id_4131 | Mrs. Carlill and the Carbolic Smoke Ball On 14 January 1892, Queen Victorias grandson Prince Albert Victor, second in line to the British throne, died from flu. He had succumbed to the third and most lethal wave of the Russian flu pandemic sweeping the world. The nation was shocked. The people mourned. Albert was relegated to a footnote in history. Three days later, London housewife Louisa Carlill went down with flu. She was shocked. For two months, she had inhaled thrice daily from a carbolic smoke ball, a preventive measure guaranteed to fend off flu if you believed the advert. Which she did. And why shouldnt she when the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company had promised to cough up 100 for any customer who fell ill? Unlike Albert, Louisa recovered, claimed her 100 and set in train events that would win her lasting fame. It started in the spring of 1889. The first reports of a flu epidemic came from Russia. By the end of the year, the world was in the grip of the first truly global flu pandemic. The disease came in waves, once a year for the next four years, and each worse than the last. Whole cities came to a standstill. London was especially hard-hit. As the flu reached each annual peak, normal life stopped. The postal service ground to a halt, trains stopped running, banks closed. Even courts stopped sitting for lack of judges. At the height of the third wave in 1892, 200 people were buried every day at just one London cemetery. This flu was far more lethal than previous epidemics, and those who recovered were left weak, depressed, and often unfit for work. It was a picture repeated across the continent. Accurate figures for the number of the sick and dead were few and far between but Paris, Berlin and Vienna all reported a huge upsurge in deaths. The newspapers took an intense interest in the disease, not just because of the scale of it but because of who it attacked. Most epidemics carried off the poor and weak, the old and frail. This flu was cutting as great a swathe through the upper classes, dealing death to the rich and famous, and the young and fit. The newspaper-reading public was fed a daily diet of celebrity victims. The flu had worked its way through the Russian imperial family and invaded the royal palaces of Europe. It carried off the Dowager Empress of Germany and the second son of the king of Italy, as well as Englands future king. Aristocrats and politicians, poets and opera singers, bishops and cardinals none escaped the attentions of the Russian flu. The public grew increasingly fearful. The press might have been overdoing the doom and gloom, but their hysterical coverage had exposed one terrible fact. The medical profession had no answer to the disease. This flu, which might ft not even have begun in Russia, was a mystery. What caused it and how did it spread? No one could agree on anything. By now, the theory that micro-organisms caused disease was gaining ground, g but no one had identified an organism responsible for flu (and wouldnt until 1933). In the absence of a germ, many clung to the old idea of bad airs, or miasmas, possibly stirred by some great physical force earthquakes, perhaps, or electrical phenomena in the upper atmosphere, even a passing comet. Doctors advised people to eat well avoiding unnecessary assemblies, and if they were really worried, to stuff cotton wool up their nostrils. If they fell ill, they should rest, keep warm and eat a nourishing diet of milk, eggs and farinaceous puddings. Alcohol figured prominently among the prescriptions: one eminent English doctor suggested champagne, although he conceded brandy M in considerable quantities has sometimes been given with manifest advantages. French doctors prescribed warm alcoholic drinks, arguing that they never saw an alcoholic with flu. Their prescription had immediate results: over a three-day period, 1,200 of the 1,500 drunks picked up on the streets of Paris claimed they were following doctors orders. Some doctors gave drugs to ease symptoms quinine for fever, salicin for headache, heroin for an incessant cough. But nothing in the pharmacy remotely resembled a cure. Not surprisingly, people looked elsewhere for help. Hoping to cash in while the pandemic lasted, purveyors of patent medicines competed for the publics custom with ever more outrageous advertisements. One of the most successful was the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company. The carbolic smoke ball was a hollow rubber ball, 5 centimetres across, with a nozzle covered by gauze. Inside was a powder treated with carbolic acid, or phenol. The idea was to clutch it close to the nose and squeeze gently, inhaling deeply from the emerging cloud of pungent powder. This, the company claimed, would disinfect the mucous membranes, curing any condition related to taking cold. In the summer of 1890, sales were steady at 300 smoke balls a month. In January 1891, the figure skyrocketed to 1,500. Eager to exploit the publics mounting panic, the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company made increasingly extravagant claims. Oh 13 November 1892, its latest advert in the Pall Mall Gazette caught the eye of south London housewife Louisa Carlill. Carbolic Smoke Ball, it declared, will positively cure colds, coughs, asthma, bronchitis, hoarseness, influenza, croup, whooping cough .... And the list went on. But it was the next part Mrs. Carlill found compelling. A 100 reward will be paid by the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company to any person who contracts the increasing epidemic influenza, colds or any disease caused by taking cold, after having used the carbolic smoke ball according to the printed directions supplied with each ball. 1,000 is deposited with the Alliance bank, Regent Street, showing our sincerity in the matter. Mrs. Carlill hurried off to buy a smoke ball, price 10 shillings. After carefully reading the instructions, she diligently dosed herself thrice daily until 17 January when she fell ill. On 20 January, Louisas husband wrote to the Carbolic Smoke Ball Company. Unfortunately for them, Mr. Carlill happened to be a solicitor. His wife, he wrote, had seen their advert and bought a smoke ball on the strength of it. She had followed the instructions to the letter, and yet now as their doctor could confirm she had flu. There was no reply. But 100 was not a sum to be sneezed at. Mr. Carlill persisted. The company resisted. Louisa recovered and sued. In June, Mr. Justice Hawkins found in Mrs. Carlills favour. The companys main defence was that adverts were mere puffery and only an idiot would believe such extravagant claims. Judge Hawkins pointed out that adverts were not aimed at the wise and thoughtful, but at the credulous and weak. A vendor who made a promise must not be surprised if occasionally he is held to his promise. Carbolic appealed. In December, three lord justices considered the case. Carbolics lawyers tried several lines of defence. But in the end, the case came down to a single matter: not whether the remedy was useless, or whether Carbolic had committed fraud, but whether its advert constituted a contract which the company had broken. A contract required agreement between two parties, argued Carbolics lawyers. What agreement had Mrs. Carlill made with them? There were times, the judges decided, when a contract could be one-sided. The advert had made a very specific offer to purchasers: protection from flu or 100. By using the smoke ball as instructed, Mrs. Carlill had accepted that offer. The company might just have wriggled out of if if it hadnt added the bit about the 1,000 deposit. That, said the judges, gave buyers reason to believe Carbolic meant what it said. It seems to me that if a person chooses to make extravagant promises of this kind, he probably does so because it pays him to make them, and, if he has made them, the extravagance of the promises is no reason in law why he should not be bound by them, pronounced Lord Justice Bowen. Louisa got her 100. The case established the principle of the unilateral contract and is frequently cited today. | Cities rather than rural areas were badly affected by the pandemic flu. | n |
id_4132 | Multitasking Debate Can you do them at the same time? Talking on the phone while driving isnt the only situation where were worse at multitasking than we might like to think we are. New studies have identified a bottleneck in our brains that some say means we are fundamentally incapable of true multitasking. If experimental findings reflect real-world performance, people who think they are multitasking, are probably just underperforming in all or at best, all but one of their parallel pursuits. Practice might improve your performance, but you will never be as good as when focusing on one task at a time. The problem, according to Rene Marois, a psychologist at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, is that theres a sticking point in the brain. To demonstrate this, Marois devised an experiment to locate it. Volunteers watch a screen and when a particular image appears, a red circle, say, they have to press a key with their index finger. Different coloured circles require presses from different fingers. Typical response time is about half a second, and the volunteers quickly reached their peak performance. Then they learn to listen to different recordings and respond by making a specific sound. For instance, when they hear a bird chirp, they have to say ba; an electronic sound should elicit a ko, and so on. Again, no problem. A normal person can do that in about half a second, with almost no effort. The trouble comes when Marois shows the volunteers an image, and then almost immediately plays them a sound. Now theyre flummoxed. If you show an image and play a sound at the same time, one task is postponed, he says. In fact, if the second task is introduced within the half-second or so it takes to process and react to the first, it will simply be delayed until the first one is done. The largest dual-task delays occur when the two tasks are presented simultaneously; delays progressively shorten as the interval between presenting the tasks lengthens. There are at least three points where we seem to get stuck, says Marois. The first is in simply identifying what were looking at. This can take a few tenths of a second, during which time we are not able to see and recognize the second item. This limitation is known as the attentional blink: experiments have shown that if youre watching out for a particular event and a second one shows up unexpectedly any time within this crucial window of concentration, it may register in your visual cortex but you will be unable to act upon it. Interestingly, if you dont expect the first event, you have no trouble responding to the second. What exactly causes the attentional blink is still a matter for debate. A second limitation is in our short-term visual memory. Its estimated that we can keep track of about four items at a time, fewer if they are complex. This capacity shortage is thought to explain, in part, our astonishing inability to detect even huge changes in scenes that are otherwise identical, so-called change blindness. Show people pairs of near-identical photos say, aircraft engines in one picture have disappeared in the other and they will fail to spot the differences. Here again, though, there is disagreement about what the essential limiting factor really is. Does it come down to a dearth of storage capacity, or is it about how much attention a viewer is paying? A third limitation is that choosing a response to a stimulus braking when you see a child in the road, for instance, or replying when your mother tells you over the phone that she s thinking of leaving your dad also takes brainpower. Selecting a response to one of these things will delay by some tenths of a second your ability to respond to the other. This is called the response selection bottleneck theory, first proposed in 1952. But David Meyer, a psychologist at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, dont buy the bottleneck idea. He thinks dual-task interference is just evidence of a strategy used by the brain to prioritise multiple activities. Meyer is known as something of an optimist by his peers. He has written papers with titles like Virtually perfect time-sharing in dual-task performance: Uncorking the central cognitive bottleneck. His experiments have shown that with enough practice at least 2000 tries some people can execute two tasks simultaneously as competently as if they were doing them one after the other. He suggests that there is a central cognitive processor that coordinates all this and, whats more, he thinks it uses discretion sometimes it chooses to delay one task while completing another. Marois agrees that practice can sometimes erase interference effects. He has found that with just 1 hour of practice each day for two weeks, volunteers show a huge improvement at managing both his tasks at once. Where he disagrees with Meyer is in what the brain is doing to achieve this. Marois speculates that practice might give us the chance to find less congested circuits to execute a task rather like finding trusty back streets to avoid heavy traffic on main roads effectively making our response to the task subconscious. After all, there are plenty of examples of subconscious multitasking that most of us routinely manage: walking and talking, eating and reading, watching TV and folding the laundry. It probably comes as no surprise that, generally speaking, we get worse at multitasking as we age. According to Art Kramer at the University of Illinois at Urbana- Champaign, who studies how ageing affects our cognitive abilities, we speak in our 20s. Though the decline is slow through our 30s and on into our 50s, it is there; and after 55, it becomes more precipitous. In one study, he and his colleagues had both young and old participants do a simulated driving task while carrying on a conversation. He found that while young drivers tended to miss background changes, older drivers failed to notice things that were highly relevant. Likewise, older subjects had more trouble paying attention to the more important parts of a scene than young drivers. Its not all bad news for over- 55s, though. Kramer also found that older people can benefit from the practice. Not only did they learn to perform better, brain scans showed that underlying that improvement was a change in the way their brains become active. While its clear that practice can often make a difference, especially as we age, the basic facts remain sobering. We have this impression of an almighty complex brain, says Marois, and yet we have very humbling and crippling limits. For most of our history, we probably never needed to do more than one thing at a time, he says, and so we havent evolved to be able to. Perhaps we will in the future, though. We might yet look back one day on people like Debbie and Alun as ancestors of a new breed of a true multitasker. | Incapable human memory cause people to sometimes miss the differences when presented with two similar images. | e |
id_4133 | Multitasking Debate Can you do them at the same time? Talking on the phone while driving isnt the only situation where were worse at multitasking than we might like to think we are. New studies have identified a bottleneck in our brains that some say means we are fundamentally incapable of true multitasking. If experimental findings reflect real-world performance, people who think they are multitasking, are probably just underperforming in all or at best, all but one of their parallel pursuits. Practice might improve your performance, but you will never be as good as when focusing on one task at a time. The problem, according to Rene Marois, a psychologist at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, is that theres a sticking point in the brain. To demonstrate this, Marois devised an experiment to locate it. Volunteers watch a screen and when a particular image appears, a red circle, say, they have to press a key with their index finger. Different coloured circles require presses from different fingers. Typical response time is about half a second, and the volunteers quickly reached their peak performance. Then they learn to listen to different recordings and respond by making a specific sound. For instance, when they hear a bird chirp, they have to say ba; an electronic sound should elicit a ko, and so on. Again, no problem. A normal person can do that in about half a second, with almost no effort. The trouble comes when Marois shows the volunteers an image, and then almost immediately plays them a sound. Now theyre flummoxed. If you show an image and play a sound at the same time, one task is postponed, he says. In fact, if the second task is introduced within the half-second or so it takes to process and react to the first, it will simply be delayed until the first one is done. The largest dual-task delays occur when the two tasks are presented simultaneously; delays progressively shorten as the interval between presenting the tasks lengthens. There are at least three points where we seem to get stuck, says Marois. The first is in simply identifying what were looking at. This can take a few tenths of a second, during which time we are not able to see and recognize the second item. This limitation is known as the attentional blink: experiments have shown that if youre watching out for a particular event and a second one shows up unexpectedly any time within this crucial window of concentration, it may register in your visual cortex but you will be unable to act upon it. Interestingly, if you dont expect the first event, you have no trouble responding to the second. What exactly causes the attentional blink is still a matter for debate. A second limitation is in our short-term visual memory. Its estimated that we can keep track of about four items at a time, fewer if they are complex. This capacity shortage is thought to explain, in part, our astonishing inability to detect even huge changes in scenes that are otherwise identical, so-called change blindness. Show people pairs of near-identical photos say, aircraft engines in one picture have disappeared in the other and they will fail to spot the differences. Here again, though, there is disagreement about what the essential limiting factor really is. Does it come down to a dearth of storage capacity, or is it about how much attention a viewer is paying? A third limitation is that choosing a response to a stimulus braking when you see a child in the road, for instance, or replying when your mother tells you over the phone that she s thinking of leaving your dad also takes brainpower. Selecting a response to one of these things will delay by some tenths of a second your ability to respond to the other. This is called the response selection bottleneck theory, first proposed in 1952. But David Meyer, a psychologist at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, dont buy the bottleneck idea. He thinks dual-task interference is just evidence of a strategy used by the brain to prioritise multiple activities. Meyer is known as something of an optimist by his peers. He has written papers with titles like Virtually perfect time-sharing in dual-task performance: Uncorking the central cognitive bottleneck. His experiments have shown that with enough practice at least 2000 tries some people can execute two tasks simultaneously as competently as if they were doing them one after the other. He suggests that there is a central cognitive processor that coordinates all this and, whats more, he thinks it uses discretion sometimes it chooses to delay one task while completing another. Marois agrees that practice can sometimes erase interference effects. He has found that with just 1 hour of practice each day for two weeks, volunteers show a huge improvement at managing both his tasks at once. Where he disagrees with Meyer is in what the brain is doing to achieve this. Marois speculates that practice might give us the chance to find less congested circuits to execute a task rather like finding trusty back streets to avoid heavy traffic on main roads effectively making our response to the task subconscious. After all, there are plenty of examples of subconscious multitasking that most of us routinely manage: walking and talking, eating and reading, watching TV and folding the laundry. It probably comes as no surprise that, generally speaking, we get worse at multitasking as we age. According to Art Kramer at the University of Illinois at Urbana- Champaign, who studies how ageing affects our cognitive abilities, we speak in our 20s. Though the decline is slow through our 30s and on into our 50s, it is there; and after 55, it becomes more precipitous. In one study, he and his colleagues had both young and old participants do a simulated driving task while carrying on a conversation. He found that while young drivers tended to miss background changes, older drivers failed to notice things that were highly relevant. Likewise, older subjects had more trouble paying attention to the more important parts of a scene than young drivers. Its not all bad news for over- 55s, though. Kramer also found that older people can benefit from the practice. Not only did they learn to perform better, brain scans showed that underlying that improvement was a change in the way their brains become active. While its clear that practice can often make a difference, especially as we age, the basic facts remain sobering. We have this impression of an almighty complex brain, says Marois, and yet we have very humbling and crippling limits. For most of our history, we probably never needed to do more than one thing at a time, he says, and so we havent evolved to be able to. Perhaps we will in the future, though. We might yet look back one day on people like Debbie and Alun as ancestors of a new breed of a true multitasker. | Art Kramer proved there is a correlation between multitasking performance and genders. | n |
id_4134 | Multitasking Debate Can you do them at the same time? Talking on the phone while driving isnt the only situation where were worse at multitasking than we might like to think we are. New studies have identified a bottleneck in our brains that some say means we are fundamentally incapable of true multitasking. If experimental findings reflect real-world performance, people who think they are multitasking, are probably just underperforming in all or at best, all but one of their parallel pursuits. Practice might improve your performance, but you will never be as good as when focusing on one task at a time. The problem, according to Rene Marois, a psychologist at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, is that theres a sticking point in the brain. To demonstrate this, Marois devised an experiment to locate it. Volunteers watch a screen and when a particular image appears, a red circle, say, they have to press a key with their index finger. Different coloured circles require presses from different fingers. Typical response time is about half a second, and the volunteers quickly reached their peak performance. Then they learn to listen to different recordings and respond by making a specific sound. For instance, when they hear a bird chirp, they have to say ba; an electronic sound should elicit a ko, and so on. Again, no problem. A normal person can do that in about half a second, with almost no effort. The trouble comes when Marois shows the volunteers an image, and then almost immediately plays them a sound. Now theyre flummoxed. If you show an image and play a sound at the same time, one task is postponed, he says. In fact, if the second task is introduced within the half-second or so it takes to process and react to the first, it will simply be delayed until the first one is done. The largest dual-task delays occur when the two tasks are presented simultaneously; delays progressively shorten as the interval between presenting the tasks lengthens. There are at least three points where we seem to get stuck, says Marois. The first is in simply identifying what were looking at. This can take a few tenths of a second, during which time we are not able to see and recognize the second item. This limitation is known as the attentional blink: experiments have shown that if youre watching out for a particular event and a second one shows up unexpectedly any time within this crucial window of concentration, it may register in your visual cortex but you will be unable to act upon it. Interestingly, if you dont expect the first event, you have no trouble responding to the second. What exactly causes the attentional blink is still a matter for debate. A second limitation is in our short-term visual memory. Its estimated that we can keep track of about four items at a time, fewer if they are complex. This capacity shortage is thought to explain, in part, our astonishing inability to detect even huge changes in scenes that are otherwise identical, so-called change blindness. Show people pairs of near-identical photos say, aircraft engines in one picture have disappeared in the other and they will fail to spot the differences. Here again, though, there is disagreement about what the essential limiting factor really is. Does it come down to a dearth of storage capacity, or is it about how much attention a viewer is paying? A third limitation is that choosing a response to a stimulus braking when you see a child in the road, for instance, or replying when your mother tells you over the phone that she s thinking of leaving your dad also takes brainpower. Selecting a response to one of these things will delay by some tenths of a second your ability to respond to the other. This is called the response selection bottleneck theory, first proposed in 1952. But David Meyer, a psychologist at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, dont buy the bottleneck idea. He thinks dual-task interference is just evidence of a strategy used by the brain to prioritise multiple activities. Meyer is known as something of an optimist by his peers. He has written papers with titles like Virtually perfect time-sharing in dual-task performance: Uncorking the central cognitive bottleneck. His experiments have shown that with enough practice at least 2000 tries some people can execute two tasks simultaneously as competently as if they were doing them one after the other. He suggests that there is a central cognitive processor that coordinates all this and, whats more, he thinks it uses discretion sometimes it chooses to delay one task while completing another. Marois agrees that practice can sometimes erase interference effects. He has found that with just 1 hour of practice each day for two weeks, volunteers show a huge improvement at managing both his tasks at once. Where he disagrees with Meyer is in what the brain is doing to achieve this. Marois speculates that practice might give us the chance to find less congested circuits to execute a task rather like finding trusty back streets to avoid heavy traffic on main roads effectively making our response to the task subconscious. After all, there are plenty of examples of subconscious multitasking that most of us routinely manage: walking and talking, eating and reading, watching TV and folding the laundry. It probably comes as no surprise that, generally speaking, we get worse at multitasking as we age. According to Art Kramer at the University of Illinois at Urbana- Champaign, who studies how ageing affects our cognitive abilities, we speak in our 20s. Though the decline is slow through our 30s and on into our 50s, it is there; and after 55, it becomes more precipitous. In one study, he and his colleagues had both young and old participants do a simulated driving task while carrying on a conversation. He found that while young drivers tended to miss background changes, older drivers failed to notice things that were highly relevant. Likewise, older subjects had more trouble paying attention to the more important parts of a scene than young drivers. Its not all bad news for over- 55s, though. Kramer also found that older people can benefit from the practice. Not only did they learn to perform better, brain scans showed that underlying that improvement was a change in the way their brains become active. While its clear that practice can often make a difference, especially as we age, the basic facts remain sobering. We have this impression of an almighty complex brain, says Marois, and yet we have very humbling and crippling limits. For most of our history, we probably never needed to do more than one thing at a time, he says, and so we havent evolved to be able to. Perhaps we will in the future, though. We might yet look back one day on people like Debbie and Alun as ancestors of a new breed of a true multitasker. | The author doesnt believe that the effect of practice could bring any variation. | n |
id_4135 | Multitasking Debate Can you do them at the same time? Talking on the phone while driving isnt the only situation where were worse at multitasking than we might like to think we are. New studies have identified a bottleneck in our brains that some say means we are fundamentally incapable of true multitasking. If experimental findings reflect real-world performance, people who think they are multitasking, are probably just underperforming in all or at best, all but one of their parallel pursuits. Practice might improve your performance, but you will never be as good as when focusing on one task at a time. The problem, according to Rene Marois, a psychologist at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, is that theres a sticking point in the brain. To demonstrate this, Marois devised an experiment to locate it. Volunteers watch a screen and when a particular image appears, a red circle, say, they have to press a key with their index finger. Different coloured circles require presses from different fingers. Typical response time is about half a second, and the volunteers quickly reached their peak performance. Then they learn to listen to different recordings and respond by making a specific sound. For instance, when they hear a bird chirp, they have to say ba; an electronic sound should elicit a ko, and so on. Again, no problem. A normal person can do that in about half a second, with almost no effort. The trouble comes when Marois shows the volunteers an image, and then almost immediately plays them a sound. Now theyre flummoxed. If you show an image and play a sound at the same time, one task is postponed, he says. In fact, if the second task is introduced within the half-second or so it takes to process and react to the first, it will simply be delayed until the first one is done. The largest dual-task delays occur when the two tasks are presented simultaneously; delays progressively shorten as the interval between presenting the tasks lengthens. There are at least three points where we seem to get stuck, says Marois. The first is in simply identifying what were looking at. This can take a few tenths of a second, during which time we are not able to see and recognize the second item. This limitation is known as the attentional blink: experiments have shown that if youre watching out for a particular event and a second one shows up unexpectedly any time within this crucial window of concentration, it may register in your visual cortex but you will be unable to act upon it. Interestingly, if you dont expect the first event, you have no trouble responding to the second. What exactly causes the attentional blink is still a matter for debate. A second limitation is in our short-term visual memory. Its estimated that we can keep track of about four items at a time, fewer if they are complex. This capacity shortage is thought to explain, in part, our astonishing inability to detect even huge changes in scenes that are otherwise identical, so-called change blindness. Show people pairs of near-identical photos say, aircraft engines in one picture have disappeared in the other and they will fail to spot the differences. Here again, though, there is disagreement about what the essential limiting factor really is. Does it come down to a dearth of storage capacity, or is it about how much attention a viewer is paying? A third limitation is that choosing a response to a stimulus braking when you see a child in the road, for instance, or replying when your mother tells you over the phone that she s thinking of leaving your dad also takes brainpower. Selecting a response to one of these things will delay by some tenths of a second your ability to respond to the other. This is called the response selection bottleneck theory, first proposed in 1952. But David Meyer, a psychologist at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, dont buy the bottleneck idea. He thinks dual-task interference is just evidence of a strategy used by the brain to prioritise multiple activities. Meyer is known as something of an optimist by his peers. He has written papers with titles like Virtually perfect time-sharing in dual-task performance: Uncorking the central cognitive bottleneck. His experiments have shown that with enough practice at least 2000 tries some people can execute two tasks simultaneously as competently as if they were doing them one after the other. He suggests that there is a central cognitive processor that coordinates all this and, whats more, he thinks it uses discretion sometimes it chooses to delay one task while completing another. Marois agrees that practice can sometimes erase interference effects. He has found that with just 1 hour of practice each day for two weeks, volunteers show a huge improvement at managing both his tasks at once. Where he disagrees with Meyer is in what the brain is doing to achieve this. Marois speculates that practice might give us the chance to find less congested circuits to execute a task rather like finding trusty back streets to avoid heavy traffic on main roads effectively making our response to the task subconscious. After all, there are plenty of examples of subconscious multitasking that most of us routinely manage: walking and talking, eating and reading, watching TV and folding the laundry. It probably comes as no surprise that, generally speaking, we get worse at multitasking as we age. According to Art Kramer at the University of Illinois at Urbana- Champaign, who studies how ageing affects our cognitive abilities, we speak in our 20s. Though the decline is slow through our 30s and on into our 50s, it is there; and after 55, it becomes more precipitous. In one study, he and his colleagues had both young and old participants do a simulated driving task while carrying on a conversation. He found that while young drivers tended to miss background changes, older drivers failed to notice things that were highly relevant. Likewise, older subjects had more trouble paying attention to the more important parts of a scene than young drivers. Its not all bad news for over- 55s, though. Kramer also found that older people can benefit from the practice. Not only did they learn to perform better, brain scans showed that underlying that improvement was a change in the way their brains become active. While its clear that practice can often make a difference, especially as we age, the basic facts remain sobering. We have this impression of an almighty complex brain, says Marois, and yet we have very humbling and crippling limits. For most of our history, we probably never needed to do more than one thing at a time, he says, and so we havent evolved to be able to. Perhaps we will in the future, though. We might yet look back one day on people like Debbie and Alun as ancestors of a new breed of a true multitasker. | Marois has a different opinion on the claim that training removes the bottleneck effect. | c |
id_4136 | Museums of fine art and their public The fact that people go to the Louvre museum in Paris to see the original painting Mona Lisa when they can see a reproduction anywhere leads us to question some assumptions about the role of museums of fine art in todays world One of the most famous works of art in the world is Leonardo da Vincis Mona Lisa. Nearly everyone who goes to see the original will already be familiar with it from reproductions, but they accept that fine art is more rewardingly viewed in its original form. However, if Mona Lisa was a famous novel, few people would bother to go to a museum to read the writers actual manuscript rather than a printed reproduction. This might be explained by the fact that the novel has evolved precisely because of technological developments that made it possible to print out huge numbers of texts, whereas oil paintings have always been produced as unique objects. In addition, it could be argued that the practice of interpreting or reading each medium follows different conventions. With novels, the reader attends mainly to the meaning of words rather than the way they are printed on the page, whereas the reader of a painting must attend just as closely to the material form of marks and shapes in the picture as to any ideas they may signify. Yet it has always been possible to make very accurate facsimiles of pretty well any fine art work. The seven surviving versions of Mona Lisa bear witness to the fact that in the 16th century, artists seemed perfectly content to assign the reproduction of their creations to their workshop apprentices as regular bread and butter work. And today the task of reproducing pictures is incomparably more simple and reliable, with reprographic techniques that allow the production of high-quality prints made exactly to the original scale, with faithful colour values, and even with duplication of the surface relief of the painting. But despite an implicit recognition that the spread of good reproductions can be culturally valuable, museums continue to promote the special status of original work. Unfortunately, this seems to place severe limitations on the kind of experience offered to visitors. One limitation is related to the way the museum presents its exhibits. As repositories of unique historical objects, art museums are often called treasure houses. We are reminded of this even before we view a collection by the presence of security guards, attendants, ropes and display cases to keep us away from the exhibits. In many cases, the architectural style of the building further reinforces that notion. In addition, a major collection like that of Londons National Gallery is housed in numerous rooms, each with dozens of works, any one of which is likely to be worth more than all the average visitor possesses. In a society that judges the personal status of the individual so much by their material worth, it is therefore difficult not to be impressed by ones own relative worthlessness in such an environment. Furthermore, consideration of the value of the original work in its treasure house setting impresses upon the viewer that, since these works were originally produced, they have been assigned a huge monetary value by some person or institution more powerful than themselves. Evidently, nothing the viewer thinks about the work is going to alter that value, and so todays viewer is deterred from trying to extend that spontaneous, immediate, self-reliant kind of reading which would originally have met the work. The visitor may then be struck by the strangeness of seeing such diverse paintings, drawings and sculptures brought together in an environment for which they were not originally created. This displacement effect is further heightened by the sheer volume of exhibits. In the case of a major collection, there are probably more works on display than we could realistically view in weeks or even months. 78This is particularly distressing because time seems to be a vital factor in the appreciation of all art forms. A fundamental difference between paintings and other art forms is that there is no prescribed time over which a painting is viewed. By contrast, the audience encourage an opera or a play over a specific time, which is the duration of the performance. Similarly novels and poems are read in a prescribed temporal sequence, whereas a picture has no clear place at which to start viewing, or at which to finish. Thus art works themselves encourage us to view them superficially, without appreciating the richness of detail and labour that is involved. Consequently, the dominant critical approach becomes that of the art historian, a specialised academic approach devoted to discovering the meaning of art within the cultural context of its time. This is in perfect harmony with the museum s function, since the approach is dedicated to seeking out and conserving authentic, original, readings of the exhibits. Again, this seems to put paid to that spontaneous, participators criticism which can be found in abundance in criticism of classic works of literature, but is absent from most art history. The displays of art museums serve as a warning of what critical practices can emerge when spontaneous criticism is suppressed. The museum public, like any other audience, experience art more rewardingly when given the confidence to express their views. If appropriate works of fine art could be rendered permanently accessible to the public by means of high-fidelity reproductions, as literature and music already are, the public may feel somewhat less in awe of them. Unfortunately, that may be too much to ask from those who seek to maintain and control the art establishment. | People should be encouraged to give their opinions openly on works of art. | e |
id_4137 | Museums of fine art and their public The fact that people go to the Louvre museum in Paris to see the original painting Mona Lisa when they can see a reproduction anywhere leads us to question some assumptions about the role of museums of fine art in todays world One of the most famous works of art in the world is Leonardo da Vincis Mona Lisa. Nearly everyone who goes to see the original will already be familiar with it from reproductions, but they accept that fine art is more rewardingly viewed in its original form. However, if Mona Lisa was a famous novel, few people would bother to go to a museum to read the writers actual manuscript rather than a printed reproduction. This might be explained by the fact that the novel has evolved precisely because of technological developments that made it possible to print out huge numbers of texts, whereas oil paintings have always been produced as unique objects. In addition, it could be argued that the practice of interpreting or reading each medium follows different conventions. With novels, the reader attends mainly to the meaning of words rather than the way they are printed on the page, whereas the reader of a painting must attend just as closely to the material form of marks and shapes in the picture as to any ideas they may signify. Yet it has always been possible to make very accurate facsimiles of pretty well any fine art work. The seven surviving versions of Mona Lisa bear witness to the fact that in the 16th century, artists seemed perfectly content to assign the reproduction of their creations to their workshop apprentices as regular bread and butter work. And today the task of reproducing pictures is incomparably more simple and reliable, with reprographic techniques that allow the production of high-quality prints made exactly to the original scale, with faithful colour values, and even with duplication of the surface relief of the painting. But despite an implicit recognition that the spread of good reproductions can be culturally valuable, museums continue to promote the special status of original work. Unfortunately, this seems to place severe limitations on the kind of experience offered to visitors. One limitation is related to the way the museum presents its exhibits. As repositories of unique historical objects, art museums are often called treasure houses. We are reminded of this even before we view a collection by the presence of security guards, attendants, ropes and display cases to keep us away from the exhibits. In many cases, the architectural style of the building further reinforces that notion. In addition, a major collection like that of Londons National Gallery is housed in numerous rooms, each with dozens of works, any one of which is likely to be worth more than all the average visitor possesses. In a society that judges the personal status of the individual so much by their material worth, it is therefore difficult not to be impressed by ones own relative worthlessness in such an environment. Furthermore, consideration of the value of the original work in its treasure house setting impresses upon the viewer that, since these works were originally produced, they have been assigned a huge monetary value by some person or institution more powerful than themselves. Evidently, nothing the viewer thinks about the work is going to alter that value, and so todays viewer is deterred from trying to extend that spontaneous, immediate, self-reliant kind of reading which would originally have met the work. The visitor may then be struck by the strangeness of seeing such diverse paintings, drawings and sculptures brought together in an environment for which they were not originally created. This displacement effect is further heightened by the sheer volume of exhibits. In the case of a major collection, there are probably more works on display than we could realistically view in weeks or even months. 78This is particularly distressing because time seems to be a vital factor in the appreciation of all art forms. A fundamental difference between paintings and other art forms is that there is no prescribed time over which a painting is viewed. By contrast, the audience encourage an opera or a play over a specific time, which is the duration of the performance. Similarly novels and poems are read in a prescribed temporal sequence, whereas a picture has no clear place at which to start viewing, or at which to finish. Thus art works themselves encourage us to view them superficially, without appreciating the richness of detail and labour that is involved. Consequently, the dominant critical approach becomes that of the art historian, a specialised academic approach devoted to discovering the meaning of art within the cultural context of its time. This is in perfect harmony with the museum s function, since the approach is dedicated to seeking out and conserving authentic, original, readings of the exhibits. Again, this seems to put paid to that spontaneous, participators criticism which can be found in abundance in criticism of classic works of literature, but is absent from most art history. The displays of art museums serve as a warning of what critical practices can emerge when spontaneous criticism is suppressed. The museum public, like any other audience, experience art more rewardingly when given the confidence to express their views. If appropriate works of fine art could be rendered permanently accessible to the public by means of high-fidelity reproductions, as literature and music already are, the public may feel somewhat less in awe of them. Unfortunately, that may be too much to ask from those who seek to maintain and control the art establishment. | The approach of art historians conflicts with that of art museums. | c |
id_4138 | Museums of fine art and their public The fact that people go to the Louvre museum in Paris to see the original painting Mona Lisa when they can see a reproduction anywhere leads us to question some assumptions about the role of museums of fine art in todays world One of the most famous works of art in the world is Leonardo da Vincis Mona Lisa. Nearly everyone who goes to see the original will already be familiar with it from reproductions, but they accept that fine art is more rewardingly viewed in its original form. However, if Mona Lisa was a famous novel, few people would bother to go to a museum to read the writers actual manuscript rather than a printed reproduction. This might be explained by the fact that the novel has evolved precisely because of technological developments that made it possible to print out huge numbers of texts, whereas oil paintings have always been produced as unique objects. In addition, it could be argued that the practice of interpreting or reading each medium follows different conventions. With novels, the reader attends mainly to the meaning of words rather than the way they are printed on the page, whereas the reader of a painting must attend just as closely to the material form of marks and shapes in the picture as to any ideas they may signify. Yet it has always been possible to make very accurate facsimiles of pretty well any fine art work. The seven surviving versions of Mona Lisa bear witness to the fact that in the 16th century, artists seemed perfectly content to assign the reproduction of their creations to their workshop apprentices as regular bread and butter work. And today the task of reproducing pictures is incomparably more simple and reliable, with reprographic techniques that allow the production of high-quality prints made exactly to the original scale, with faithful colour values, and even with duplication of the surface relief of the painting. But despite an implicit recognition that the spread of good reproductions can be culturally valuable, museums continue to promote the special status of original work. Unfortunately, this seems to place severe limitations on the kind of experience offered to visitors. One limitation is related to the way the museum presents its exhibits. As repositories of unique historical objects, art museums are often called treasure houses. We are reminded of this even before we view a collection by the presence of security guards, attendants, ropes and display cases to keep us away from the exhibits. In many cases, the architectural style of the building further reinforces that notion. In addition, a major collection like that of Londons National Gallery is housed in numerous rooms, each with dozens of works, any one of which is likely to be worth more than all the average visitor possesses. In a society that judges the personal status of the individual so much by their material worth, it is therefore difficult not to be impressed by ones own relative worthlessness in such an environment. Furthermore, consideration of the value of the original work in its treasure house setting impresses upon the viewer that, since these works were originally produced, they have been assigned a huge monetary value by some person or institution more powerful than themselves. Evidently, nothing the viewer thinks about the work is going to alter that value, and so todays viewer is deterred from trying to extend that spontaneous, immediate, self-reliant kind of reading which would originally have met the work. The visitor may then be struck by the strangeness of seeing such diverse paintings, drawings and sculptures brought together in an environment for which they were not originally created. This displacement effect is further heightened by the sheer volume of exhibits. In the case of a major collection, there are probably more works on display than we could realistically view in weeks or even months. 78This is particularly distressing because time seems to be a vital factor in the appreciation of all art forms. A fundamental difference between paintings and other art forms is that there is no prescribed time over which a painting is viewed. By contrast, the audience encourage an opera or a play over a specific time, which is the duration of the performance. Similarly novels and poems are read in a prescribed temporal sequence, whereas a picture has no clear place at which to start viewing, or at which to finish. Thus art works themselves encourage us to view them superficially, without appreciating the richness of detail and labour that is involved. Consequently, the dominant critical approach becomes that of the art historian, a specialised academic approach devoted to discovering the meaning of art within the cultural context of its time. This is in perfect harmony with the museum s function, since the approach is dedicated to seeking out and conserving authentic, original, readings of the exhibits. Again, this seems to put paid to that spontaneous, participators criticism which can be found in abundance in criticism of classic works of literature, but is absent from most art history. The displays of art museums serve as a warning of what critical practices can emerge when spontaneous criticism is suppressed. The museum public, like any other audience, experience art more rewardingly when given the confidence to express their views. If appropriate works of fine art could be rendered permanently accessible to the public by means of high-fidelity reproductions, as literature and music already are, the public may feel somewhat less in awe of them. Unfortunately, that may be too much to ask from those who seek to maintain and control the art establishment. | Art history should focus on discovering the meaning of art using a range of media. | n |
id_4139 | Museums of fine art and their public The fact that people go to the Louvre museum in Paris to see the original painting Mona Lisa when they can see a reproduction anywhere leads us to question some assumptions about the role of museums of fine art in todays world One of the most famous works of art in the world is Leonardo da Vincis Mona Lisa. Nearly everyone who goes to see the original will already be familiar with it from reproductions, but they accept that fine art is more rewardingly viewed in its original form. However, if Mona Lisa was a famous novel, few people would bother to go to a museum to read the writers actual manuscript rather than a printed reproduction. This might be explained by the fact that the novel has evolved precisely because of technological developments that made it possible to print out huge numbers of texts, whereas oil paintings have always been produced as unique objects. In addition, it could be argued that the practice of interpreting or reading each medium follows different conventions. With novels, the reader attends mainly to the meaning of words rather than the way they are printed on the page, whereas the reader of a painting must attend just as closely to the material form of marks and shapes in the picture as to any ideas they may signify. Yet it has always been possible to make very accurate facsimiles of pretty well any fine art work. The seven surviving versions of Mona Lisa bear witness to the fact that in the 16th century, artists seemed perfectly content to assign the reproduction of their creations to their workshop apprentices as regular bread and butter work. And today the task of reproducing pictures is incomparably more simple and reliable, with reprographic techniques that allow the production of high-quality prints made exactly to the original scale, with faithful colour values, and even with duplication of the surface relief of the painting. But despite an implicit recognition that the spread of good reproductions can be culturally valuable, museums continue to promote the special status of original work. Unfortunately, this seems to place severe limitations on the kind of experience offered to visitors. One limitation is related to the way the museum presents its exhibits. As repositories of unique historical objects, art museums are often called treasure houses. We are reminded of this even before we view a collection by the presence of security guards, attendants, ropes and display cases to keep us away from the exhibits. In many cases, the architectural style of the building further reinforces that notion. In addition, a major collection like that of Londons National Gallery is housed in numerous rooms, each with dozens of works, any one of which is likely to be worth more than all the average visitor possesses. In a society that judges the personal status of the individual so much by their material worth, it is therefore difficult not to be impressed by ones own relative worthlessness in such an environment. Furthermore, consideration of the value of the original work in its treasure house setting impresses upon the viewer that, since these works were originally produced, they have been assigned a huge monetary value by some person or institution more powerful than themselves. Evidently, nothing the viewer thinks about the work is going to alter that value, and so todays viewer is deterred from trying to extend that spontaneous, immediate, self-reliant kind of reading which would originally have met the work. The visitor may then be struck by the strangeness of seeing such diverse paintings, drawings and sculptures brought together in an environment for which they were not originally created. This displacement effect is further heightened by the sheer volume of exhibits. In the case of a major collection, there are probably more works on display than we could realistically view in weeks or even months. 78This is particularly distressing because time seems to be a vital factor in the appreciation of all art forms. A fundamental difference between paintings and other art forms is that there is no prescribed time over which a painting is viewed. By contrast, the audience encourage an opera or a play over a specific time, which is the duration of the performance. Similarly novels and poems are read in a prescribed temporal sequence, whereas a picture has no clear place at which to start viewing, or at which to finish. Thus art works themselves encourage us to view them superficially, without appreciating the richness of detail and labour that is involved. Consequently, the dominant critical approach becomes that of the art historian, a specialised academic approach devoted to discovering the meaning of art within the cultural context of its time. This is in perfect harmony with the museum s function, since the approach is dedicated to seeking out and conserving authentic, original, readings of the exhibits. Again, this seems to put paid to that spontaneous, participators criticism which can be found in abundance in criticism of classic works of literature, but is absent from most art history. The displays of art museums serve as a warning of what critical practices can emerge when spontaneous criticism is suppressed. The museum public, like any other audience, experience art more rewardingly when given the confidence to express their views. If appropriate works of fine art could be rendered permanently accessible to the public by means of high-fidelity reproductions, as literature and music already are, the public may feel somewhat less in awe of them. Unfortunately, that may be too much to ask from those who seek to maintain and control the art establishment. | In the future, those with power are likely to encourage more people to enjoy art. | c |
id_4140 | Museums of fine art and their public The fact that people go to the Louvre museum in Paris to see the original painting Mona Lisa when they can see a reproduction anywhere leads us to question some assumptions about the role of museums of fine art in todays world One of the most famous works of art in the world is Leonardo da Vincis Mona Lisa. Nearly everyone who goes to see the original will already be familiar with it from reproductions, but they accept that fine art is more rewardingly viewed in its original form. However, if Mona Lisa was a famous novel, few people would bother to go to a museum to read the writers actual manuscript rather than a printed reproduction. This might be explained by the fact that the novel has evolved precisely because of technological developments that made it possible to print out huge numbers of texts, whereas oil paintings have always been produced as unique objects. In addition, it could be argued that the practice of interpreting or reading each medium follows different conventions. With novels, the reader attends mainly to the meaning of words rather than the way they are printed on the page, whereas the reader of a painting must attend just as closely to the material form of marks and shapes in the picture as to any ideas they may signify. Yet it has always been possible to make very accurate facsimiles of pretty well any fine art work. The seven surviving versions of Mona Lisa bear witness to the fact that in the 16th century, artists seemed perfectly content to assign the reproduction of their creations to their workshop apprentices as regular bread and butter work. And today the task of reproducing pictures is incomparably more simple and reliable, with reprographic techniques that allow the production of high-quality prints made exactly to the original scale, with faithful colour values, and even with duplication of the surface relief of the painting. But despite an implicit recognition that the spread of good reproductions can be culturally valuable, museums continue to promote the special status of original work. Unfortunately, this seems to place severe limitations on the kind of experience offered to visitors. One limitation is related to the way the museum presents its exhibits. As repositories of unique historical objects, art museums are often called treasure houses. We are reminded of this even before we view a collection by the presence of security guards, attendants, ropes and display cases to keep us away from the exhibits. In many cases, the architectural style of the building further reinforces that notion. In addition, a major collection like that of Londons National Gallery is housed in numerous rooms, each with dozens of works, any one of which is likely to be worth more than all the average visitor possesses. In a society that judges the personal status of the individual so much by their material worth, it is therefore difficult not to be impressed by ones own relative worthlessness in such an environment. Furthermore, consideration of the value of the original work in its treasure house setting impresses upon the viewer that, since these works were originally produced, they have been assigned a huge monetary value by some person or institution more powerful than themselves. Evidently, nothing the viewer thinks about the work is going to alter that value, and so todays viewer is deterred from trying to extend that spontaneous, immediate, self-reliant kind of reading which would originally have met the work. The visitor may then be struck by the strangeness of seeing such diverse paintings, drawings and sculptures brought together in an environment for which they were not originally created. This displacement effect is further heightened by the sheer volume of exhibits. In the case of a major collection, there are probably more works on display than we could realistically view in weeks or even months. 78This is particularly distressing because time seems to be a vital factor in the appreciation of all art forms. A fundamental difference between paintings and other art forms is that there is no prescribed time over which a painting is viewed. By contrast, the audience encourage an opera or a play over a specific time, which is the duration of the performance. Similarly novels and poems are read in a prescribed temporal sequence, whereas a picture has no clear place at which to start viewing, or at which to finish. Thus art works themselves encourage us to view them superficially, without appreciating the richness of detail and labour that is involved. Consequently, the dominant critical approach becomes that of the art historian, a specialised academic approach devoted to discovering the meaning of art within the cultural context of its time. This is in perfect harmony with the museum s function, since the approach is dedicated to seeking out and conserving authentic, original, readings of the exhibits. Again, this seems to put paid to that spontaneous, participators criticism which can be found in abundance in criticism of classic works of literature, but is absent from most art history. The displays of art museums serve as a warning of what critical practices can emerge when spontaneous criticism is suppressed. The museum public, like any other audience, experience art more rewardingly when given the confidence to express their views. If appropriate works of fine art could be rendered permanently accessible to the public by means of high-fidelity reproductions, as literature and music already are, the public may feel somewhat less in awe of them. Unfortunately, that may be too much to ask from those who seek to maintain and control the art establishment. | Reproductions of fine art should only be sold to the public if they are of high quality. | n |
id_4141 | Museums of fine art and their public. The fact that people go to the Louvre museum in Paris to see the original painting Mona Lisa when they can see a reproduction anywhere leads us to question some assumptions about the role of museums of fine art in todays world One of the most famous works of art in the world is Leonardo da Vincis Mona Lisa. Nearly everyone who goes to see the original will already be familiar with it from reproductions, but they accept that fine art is more rewardingly viewed in its original form. However, if Mona Lisa was a famous novel, few people would bother to go to a museum to read the writers actual manuscript rather than a printed reproduction. This might be explained by the fact that the novel has evolved precisely because of technological developments that made it possible to print out huge numbers of texts, whereas oil paintings have always been produced as unique objects. In addition, it could be argued that the practice of interpreting or reading each medium follows different conventions. With novels, the reader attends mainly to the meaning of words rather than the way they are printed on the page, whereas the reader of a painting must attend just as closely to the material form of marks and shapes in the picture as to any ideas they may signify. Yet it has always been possible to make very accurate facsimiles of pretty well any fine art work. The seven surviving versions of Mona Lisa bear witness to the fact that in the 16th century, artists seemed perfectly content to assign the reproduction of their creations to their workshop apprentices as regular bread and butter work. And today the task of reproducing pictures is incomparably more simple and reliable, with reprographic techniques that allow the production of high-quality prints made exactly to the original scale, with faithful colour values, and even with duplication of the surface relief of the painting. But despite an implicit recognition that the spread of good reproductions can be culturally valuable, museums continue to promote the special status of original work. Unfortunately, this seems to place severe limitations on the kind of experience offered to visitors. One limitation is related to the way the museum presents its exhibits. As repositories of unique historical objects, art museums are often called treasure houses. We are reminded of this even before we view a collection by the presence of security guards, attendants, ropes and display cases to keep us away from the exhibits. In many cases, the architectural style of the building further reinforces that notion. In addition, a major collection like that of Londons National Gallery is housed in numerous rooms, each with dozens of works, any one of which is likely to be worth more than all the average visitor possesses. In a society that judges the personal status of the individual so much by their material worth, it is therefore difficult not to be impressed by ones own relative worthlessness in such an environment. Furthermore, consideration of the value of the original work in its treasure house setting impresses upon the viewer that, since these works were originally produced, they have been assigned a huge monetary value by some person or institution more powerful than themselves. Evidently, nothing the viewer thinks about the work is going to alter that value, and so todays viewer is deterred from trying to extend that spontaneous, immediate, self-reliant kind of reading which would originally have met the work. The visitor may then be struck by the strangeness of seeing such diverse paintings, drawings and sculptures brought together in an environment for which they were not originally created. This displacement effect is further heightened by the sheer volume of exhibits. In the case of a major collection, there are probably more works on display than we could realistically view in weeks or even months. This is particularly distressing because time seems to be a vital factor in the appreciation of all art forms. A fundamental difference between paintings and other art forms is that there is no prescribed time over which a painting is viewed. By contrast, the audience encounters an opera or a play over a specific time, which is the duration of the performance. Similarly, novels and poems are read in a prescribed temporal sequence, whereas a picture has no clear place at which to start viewing, or at which to finish. Thus art works themselves encourage us to view them superficially, without appreciating the richness of detail and labour that is involved. Consequently, the dominant critical approach becomes that of the art historian, a specialised academic approach devoted to discovering the meaning of art within the cultural context of its time. This is in perfect harmony with the museums function, since the approach is dedicated to seeking out and conserving authentic, original readings of the exhibits. Again, this seems to put paid to that spontaneous, participatory criticism which can be found in abundance in criticism of classic works of literature, but is absent from most art history. The displays of art museums serve as a warning of what critical practices can emerge when spontaneous criticism is suppressed. The museum public, like any other audience, experience art more rewardingly when given the confidence to express their views. If appropriate works of fine art could be rendered permanently accessible to the public by means of high-fidelity reproductions, as literature and music already are, the public may feel somewhat less in awe of them. Unfortunately, that may be too much to ask from those who seek to maintain and control the art establishment. | In the future, those with power are likely to encourage more people to enjoy art. | c |
id_4142 | Museums of fine art and their public. The fact that people go to the Louvre museum in Paris to see the original painting Mona Lisa when they can see a reproduction anywhere leads us to question some assumptions about the role of museums of fine art in todays world One of the most famous works of art in the world is Leonardo da Vincis Mona Lisa. Nearly everyone who goes to see the original will already be familiar with it from reproductions, but they accept that fine art is more rewardingly viewed in its original form. However, if Mona Lisa was a famous novel, few people would bother to go to a museum to read the writers actual manuscript rather than a printed reproduction. This might be explained by the fact that the novel has evolved precisely because of technological developments that made it possible to print out huge numbers of texts, whereas oil paintings have always been produced as unique objects. In addition, it could be argued that the practice of interpreting or reading each medium follows different conventions. With novels, the reader attends mainly to the meaning of words rather than the way they are printed on the page, whereas the reader of a painting must attend just as closely to the material form of marks and shapes in the picture as to any ideas they may signify. Yet it has always been possible to make very accurate facsimiles of pretty well any fine art work. The seven surviving versions of Mona Lisa bear witness to the fact that in the 16th century, artists seemed perfectly content to assign the reproduction of their creations to their workshop apprentices as regular bread and butter work. And today the task of reproducing pictures is incomparably more simple and reliable, with reprographic techniques that allow the production of high-quality prints made exactly to the original scale, with faithful colour values, and even with duplication of the surface relief of the painting. But despite an implicit recognition that the spread of good reproductions can be culturally valuable, museums continue to promote the special status of original work. Unfortunately, this seems to place severe limitations on the kind of experience offered to visitors. One limitation is related to the way the museum presents its exhibits. As repositories of unique historical objects, art museums are often called treasure houses. We are reminded of this even before we view a collection by the presence of security guards, attendants, ropes and display cases to keep us away from the exhibits. In many cases, the architectural style of the building further reinforces that notion. In addition, a major collection like that of Londons National Gallery is housed in numerous rooms, each with dozens of works, any one of which is likely to be worth more than all the average visitor possesses. In a society that judges the personal status of the individual so much by their material worth, it is therefore difficult not to be impressed by ones own relative worthlessness in such an environment. Furthermore, consideration of the value of the original work in its treasure house setting impresses upon the viewer that, since these works were originally produced, they have been assigned a huge monetary value by some person or institution more powerful than themselves. Evidently, nothing the viewer thinks about the work is going to alter that value, and so todays viewer is deterred from trying to extend that spontaneous, immediate, self-reliant kind of reading which would originally have met the work. The visitor may then be struck by the strangeness of seeing such diverse paintings, drawings and sculptures brought together in an environment for which they were not originally created. This displacement effect is further heightened by the sheer volume of exhibits. In the case of a major collection, there are probably more works on display than we could realistically view in weeks or even months. This is particularly distressing because time seems to be a vital factor in the appreciation of all art forms. A fundamental difference between paintings and other art forms is that there is no prescribed time over which a painting is viewed. By contrast, the audience encounters an opera or a play over a specific time, which is the duration of the performance. Similarly, novels and poems are read in a prescribed temporal sequence, whereas a picture has no clear place at which to start viewing, or at which to finish. Thus art works themselves encourage us to view them superficially, without appreciating the richness of detail and labour that is involved. Consequently, the dominant critical approach becomes that of the art historian, a specialised academic approach devoted to discovering the meaning of art within the cultural context of its time. This is in perfect harmony with the museums function, since the approach is dedicated to seeking out and conserving authentic, original readings of the exhibits. Again, this seems to put paid to that spontaneous, participatory criticism which can be found in abundance in criticism of classic works of literature, but is absent from most art history. The displays of art museums serve as a warning of what critical practices can emerge when spontaneous criticism is suppressed. The museum public, like any other audience, experience art more rewardingly when given the confidence to express their views. If appropriate works of fine art could be rendered permanently accessible to the public by means of high-fidelity reproductions, as literature and music already are, the public may feel somewhat less in awe of them. Unfortunately, that may be too much to ask from those who seek to maintain and control the art establishment. | People should be encouraged to give their opinions openly on works of art. | e |
id_4143 | Museums of fine art and their public. The fact that people go to the Louvre museum in Paris to see the original painting Mona Lisa when they can see a reproduction anywhere leads us to question some assumptions about the role of museums of fine art in todays world One of the most famous works of art in the world is Leonardo da Vincis Mona Lisa. Nearly everyone who goes to see the original will already be familiar with it from reproductions, but they accept that fine art is more rewardingly viewed in its original form. However, if Mona Lisa was a famous novel, few people would bother to go to a museum to read the writers actual manuscript rather than a printed reproduction. This might be explained by the fact that the novel has evolved precisely because of technological developments that made it possible to print out huge numbers of texts, whereas oil paintings have always been produced as unique objects. In addition, it could be argued that the practice of interpreting or reading each medium follows different conventions. With novels, the reader attends mainly to the meaning of words rather than the way they are printed on the page, whereas the reader of a painting must attend just as closely to the material form of marks and shapes in the picture as to any ideas they may signify. Yet it has always been possible to make very accurate facsimiles of pretty well any fine art work. The seven surviving versions of Mona Lisa bear witness to the fact that in the 16th century, artists seemed perfectly content to assign the reproduction of their creations to their workshop apprentices as regular bread and butter work. And today the task of reproducing pictures is incomparably more simple and reliable, with reprographic techniques that allow the production of high-quality prints made exactly to the original scale, with faithful colour values, and even with duplication of the surface relief of the painting. But despite an implicit recognition that the spread of good reproductions can be culturally valuable, museums continue to promote the special status of original work. Unfortunately, this seems to place severe limitations on the kind of experience offered to visitors. One limitation is related to the way the museum presents its exhibits. As repositories of unique historical objects, art museums are often called treasure houses. We are reminded of this even before we view a collection by the presence of security guards, attendants, ropes and display cases to keep us away from the exhibits. In many cases, the architectural style of the building further reinforces that notion. In addition, a major collection like that of Londons National Gallery is housed in numerous rooms, each with dozens of works, any one of which is likely to be worth more than all the average visitor possesses. In a society that judges the personal status of the individual so much by their material worth, it is therefore difficult not to be impressed by ones own relative worthlessness in such an environment. Furthermore, consideration of the value of the original work in its treasure house setting impresses upon the viewer that, since these works were originally produced, they have been assigned a huge monetary value by some person or institution more powerful than themselves. Evidently, nothing the viewer thinks about the work is going to alter that value, and so todays viewer is deterred from trying to extend that spontaneous, immediate, self-reliant kind of reading which would originally have met the work. The visitor may then be struck by the strangeness of seeing such diverse paintings, drawings and sculptures brought together in an environment for which they were not originally created. This displacement effect is further heightened by the sheer volume of exhibits. In the case of a major collection, there are probably more works on display than we could realistically view in weeks or even months. This is particularly distressing because time seems to be a vital factor in the appreciation of all art forms. A fundamental difference between paintings and other art forms is that there is no prescribed time over which a painting is viewed. By contrast, the audience encounters an opera or a play over a specific time, which is the duration of the performance. Similarly, novels and poems are read in a prescribed temporal sequence, whereas a picture has no clear place at which to start viewing, or at which to finish. Thus art works themselves encourage us to view them superficially, without appreciating the richness of detail and labour that is involved. Consequently, the dominant critical approach becomes that of the art historian, a specialised academic approach devoted to discovering the meaning of art within the cultural context of its time. This is in perfect harmony with the museums function, since the approach is dedicated to seeking out and conserving authentic, original readings of the exhibits. Again, this seems to put paid to that spontaneous, participatory criticism which can be found in abundance in criticism of classic works of literature, but is absent from most art history. The displays of art museums serve as a warning of what critical practices can emerge when spontaneous criticism is suppressed. The museum public, like any other audience, experience art more rewardingly when given the confidence to express their views. If appropriate works of fine art could be rendered permanently accessible to the public by means of high-fidelity reproductions, as literature and music already are, the public may feel somewhat less in awe of them. Unfortunately, that may be too much to ask from those who seek to maintain and control the art establishment. | The approach of art historians conflicts with that of art museums. | c |
id_4144 | Museums of fine art and their public. The fact that people go to the Louvre museum in Paris to see the original painting Mona Lisa when they can see a reproduction anywhere leads us to question some assumptions about the role of museums of fine art in todays world One of the most famous works of art in the world is Leonardo da Vincis Mona Lisa. Nearly everyone who goes to see the original will already be familiar with it from reproductions, but they accept that fine art is more rewardingly viewed in its original form. However, if Mona Lisa was a famous novel, few people would bother to go to a museum to read the writers actual manuscript rather than a printed reproduction. This might be explained by the fact that the novel has evolved precisely because of technological developments that made it possible to print out huge numbers of texts, whereas oil paintings have always been produced as unique objects. In addition, it could be argued that the practice of interpreting or reading each medium follows different conventions. With novels, the reader attends mainly to the meaning of words rather than the way they are printed on the page, whereas the reader of a painting must attend just as closely to the material form of marks and shapes in the picture as to any ideas they may signify. Yet it has always been possible to make very accurate facsimiles of pretty well any fine art work. The seven surviving versions of Mona Lisa bear witness to the fact that in the 16th century, artists seemed perfectly content to assign the reproduction of their creations to their workshop apprentices as regular bread and butter work. And today the task of reproducing pictures is incomparably more simple and reliable, with reprographic techniques that allow the production of high-quality prints made exactly to the original scale, with faithful colour values, and even with duplication of the surface relief of the painting. But despite an implicit recognition that the spread of good reproductions can be culturally valuable, museums continue to promote the special status of original work. Unfortunately, this seems to place severe limitations on the kind of experience offered to visitors. One limitation is related to the way the museum presents its exhibits. As repositories of unique historical objects, art museums are often called treasure houses. We are reminded of this even before we view a collection by the presence of security guards, attendants, ropes and display cases to keep us away from the exhibits. In many cases, the architectural style of the building further reinforces that notion. In addition, a major collection like that of Londons National Gallery is housed in numerous rooms, each with dozens of works, any one of which is likely to be worth more than all the average visitor possesses. In a society that judges the personal status of the individual so much by their material worth, it is therefore difficult not to be impressed by ones own relative worthlessness in such an environment. Furthermore, consideration of the value of the original work in its treasure house setting impresses upon the viewer that, since these works were originally produced, they have been assigned a huge monetary value by some person or institution more powerful than themselves. Evidently, nothing the viewer thinks about the work is going to alter that value, and so todays viewer is deterred from trying to extend that spontaneous, immediate, self-reliant kind of reading which would originally have met the work. The visitor may then be struck by the strangeness of seeing such diverse paintings, drawings and sculptures brought together in an environment for which they were not originally created. This displacement effect is further heightened by the sheer volume of exhibits. In the case of a major collection, there are probably more works on display than we could realistically view in weeks or even months. This is particularly distressing because time seems to be a vital factor in the appreciation of all art forms. A fundamental difference between paintings and other art forms is that there is no prescribed time over which a painting is viewed. By contrast, the audience encounters an opera or a play over a specific time, which is the duration of the performance. Similarly, novels and poems are read in a prescribed temporal sequence, whereas a picture has no clear place at which to start viewing, or at which to finish. Thus art works themselves encourage us to view them superficially, without appreciating the richness of detail and labour that is involved. Consequently, the dominant critical approach becomes that of the art historian, a specialised academic approach devoted to discovering the meaning of art within the cultural context of its time. This is in perfect harmony with the museums function, since the approach is dedicated to seeking out and conserving authentic, original readings of the exhibits. Again, this seems to put paid to that spontaneous, participatory criticism which can be found in abundance in criticism of classic works of literature, but is absent from most art history. The displays of art museums serve as a warning of what critical practices can emerge when spontaneous criticism is suppressed. The museum public, like any other audience, experience art more rewardingly when given the confidence to express their views. If appropriate works of fine art could be rendered permanently accessible to the public by means of high-fidelity reproductions, as literature and music already are, the public may feel somewhat less in awe of them. Unfortunately, that may be too much to ask from those who seek to maintain and control the art establishment. | Art history should focus on discovering the meaning of art using a range of media. | n |
id_4145 | Museums of fine art and their public. The fact that people go to the Louvre museum in Paris to see the original painting Mona Lisa when they can see a reproduction anywhere leads us to question some assumptions about the role of museums of fine art in todays world One of the most famous works of art in the world is Leonardo da Vincis Mona Lisa. Nearly everyone who goes to see the original will already be familiar with it from reproductions, but they accept that fine art is more rewardingly viewed in its original form. However, if Mona Lisa was a famous novel, few people would bother to go to a museum to read the writers actual manuscript rather than a printed reproduction. This might be explained by the fact that the novel has evolved precisely because of technological developments that made it possible to print out huge numbers of texts, whereas oil paintings have always been produced as unique objects. In addition, it could be argued that the practice of interpreting or reading each medium follows different conventions. With novels, the reader attends mainly to the meaning of words rather than the way they are printed on the page, whereas the reader of a painting must attend just as closely to the material form of marks and shapes in the picture as to any ideas they may signify. Yet it has always been possible to make very accurate facsimiles of pretty well any fine art work. The seven surviving versions of Mona Lisa bear witness to the fact that in the 16th century, artists seemed perfectly content to assign the reproduction of their creations to their workshop apprentices as regular bread and butter work. And today the task of reproducing pictures is incomparably more simple and reliable, with reprographic techniques that allow the production of high-quality prints made exactly to the original scale, with faithful colour values, and even with duplication of the surface relief of the painting. But despite an implicit recognition that the spread of good reproductions can be culturally valuable, museums continue to promote the special status of original work. Unfortunately, this seems to place severe limitations on the kind of experience offered to visitors. One limitation is related to the way the museum presents its exhibits. As repositories of unique historical objects, art museums are often called treasure houses. We are reminded of this even before we view a collection by the presence of security guards, attendants, ropes and display cases to keep us away from the exhibits. In many cases, the architectural style of the building further reinforces that notion. In addition, a major collection like that of Londons National Gallery is housed in numerous rooms, each with dozens of works, any one of which is likely to be worth more than all the average visitor possesses. In a society that judges the personal status of the individual so much by their material worth, it is therefore difficult not to be impressed by ones own relative worthlessness in such an environment. Furthermore, consideration of the value of the original work in its treasure house setting impresses upon the viewer that, since these works were originally produced, they have been assigned a huge monetary value by some person or institution more powerful than themselves. Evidently, nothing the viewer thinks about the work is going to alter that value, and so todays viewer is deterred from trying to extend that spontaneous, immediate, self-reliant kind of reading which would originally have met the work. The visitor may then be struck by the strangeness of seeing such diverse paintings, drawings and sculptures brought together in an environment for which they were not originally created. This displacement effect is further heightened by the sheer volume of exhibits. In the case of a major collection, there are probably more works on display than we could realistically view in weeks or even months. This is particularly distressing because time seems to be a vital factor in the appreciation of all art forms. A fundamental difference between paintings and other art forms is that there is no prescribed time over which a painting is viewed. By contrast, the audience encounters an opera or a play over a specific time, which is the duration of the performance. Similarly, novels and poems are read in a prescribed temporal sequence, whereas a picture has no clear place at which to start viewing, or at which to finish. Thus art works themselves encourage us to view them superficially, without appreciating the richness of detail and labour that is involved. Consequently, the dominant critical approach becomes that of the art historian, a specialised academic approach devoted to discovering the meaning of art within the cultural context of its time. This is in perfect harmony with the museums function, since the approach is dedicated to seeking out and conserving authentic, original readings of the exhibits. Again, this seems to put paid to that spontaneous, participatory criticism which can be found in abundance in criticism of classic works of literature, but is absent from most art history. The displays of art museums serve as a warning of what critical practices can emerge when spontaneous criticism is suppressed. The museum public, like any other audience, experience art more rewardingly when given the confidence to express their views. If appropriate works of fine art could be rendered permanently accessible to the public by means of high-fidelity reproductions, as literature and music already are, the public may feel somewhat less in awe of them. Unfortunately, that may be too much to ask from those who seek to maintain and control the art establishment. | Reproductions of fine art should only be sold to the public if they are of high quality. | n |
id_4146 | Musical Maladies Music and the brain are both endlessly fascinating subjects, and as a neuroscientist specialising in auditory learning and memory, I find them especially intriguing. So I had high expectations of Musicophilia, the latest offering from neurologist and prolific author Oliver Sacks. And I confess to feeling a little guilty reporting that my reactions to the book are mixed. Sacks himself is the best part of Musicophilia. He richly documents his own life in the book and reveals highly personal experiences. The photograph of him on the cover of the book which shows him wearing headphones, eyes closed, clearly enchanted as he listens to Alfred Brendel perform Beethovens Pathetique Sonatamakes a positive impression that is borne out by the contents of the book. Sackss voice throughout is steady and erudite but never pontifical. He is neither self-conscious nor self-promoting. The preface gives a good idea of what the book will deliver. In it Sacks explains that he wants to convey the insights gleaned from the enormous and rapidly growing body of work on the neural underpinnings of musical perception and imagery, and the complex and often bizarre disorders to which these are prone He also stresses the importance of the simple art of observation and the richness of the human context. He wants to combine observation and description with the latest in technology, he says, and to imaginatively enter into the experience of his patients and subjects. The reader can see that Sacks, who has been practicing neurology for 40 years, is torn between the old-fashioned path of observation and the new-fangled, high-tech approach: He knows that he needs to take heed of the latter, but his heart lies with the former. The book consists mainly of detailed descriptions of cases, most of them involving patients whom Sacks has seen in his practice. Brief discussions of contemporary neuroscientific reports are sprinkled liberally throughout the text. Part I, Haunted by Music, begins with the strange case of Tony Cicoria, a nonmusical, middle-aged surgeon who was consumed by a love of music after being hit by lightning. He suddenly began to crave listening to piano music, which he had never cared for in the past. He started to play the piano and then to compose music, which arose spontaneously in his mind in a torrent of notes. How could this happen? Was the cause psychological? (He had had a near-death experience when the lightning struck him. ) Or was it the direct result of a change in the auditory regions of his cerebral cortex? Electro-encephalography (EEG) showed his brain waves to be normal in the mid-1990s, just after his trauma and subsequent conversion to music. There are now more sensitive tests, but Cicoria has declined to undergo them; he does not want to delve into the causes of his musicality. What a shame! Part II, A Range of Musicality, covers a wider variety of topics, but unfortunately, some of the chapters offer little or nothing that is new. For example, chapter 13, which is five pages long, merely notes that the blind often have better hearing than the sighted. The most interesting chapters are those that present the strangest cases. Chapter 8 is about amusia, an inability to hear sounds as music, and dysharmonia, a highly specific impairment of the ability to hear harmony, with the ability to understand melody left intact. Such specific dissociations are found throughout the cases Sacks recounts. To Sackss credit, part III, Memory, Movement and Music, brings us into the underappreciated realm of music therapy. Chapter 16 explains how melodic intonation therapy is being used to help expressive aphasie patients (those unable to express their thoughts verbally fol-lowing a stroke or other cerebral incident) once again become capable of fluent speech. In chapter 20, Sacks demonstrates the near-miraculous power of music to animate Parkinsons patients and other people with severe movement disorders, even those who are frozen into odd postures. Scientists cannot yet explain how music achieves this effect. To readers who are unfamiliar with neuroscience and music behavior, Musicophilia may be something of a revelation. But the book will not satisfy those seeking the causes and implications of the phenomena Sacks describes. For one thing, Sacks appears to be more at ease dis-cussing patients than discussing experiments. And he tends to be rather uncritical in accepting scientific findings and theories. Its true that the causes of music-brain oddities remain poorly understood. However, Sacks could have done more to draw out some of the implications of the careful observations that he and other neurologists have made and of the treatments that have been successful. For example, he might have noted that the many specific dissociations among components of music comprehension, such as loss of the ability to perceive harmony but not melody, indicate that there is no music center in the brain. Because many people who read the book are likely to believe in the brain localisation of all mental functions, this was a missed educational opportunity. Another conclusion one could draw is that there seem to be no cures for neurological problems involving music. A drug can alleviate a symptom in one patient and aggravate it in another, or can have both positive and negative effects in the same patient. Treatments mentioned seem to be almost exclusively antiepileptic medications, which damp down the excitability of the brain in general; their effectiveness varies widely. Finally, in many of the cases described here the patient with music-brain symptoms is reported to have normal EEG results. Although Sacks recognises the existence of new technologies, among them far more sensitive ways to analyze brain waves than the standard neurological EEG test, he does not call for their use. In fact, although he exhibits the greatest com-passion for patients, he conveys no sense of urgency about the pursuit of new avenues in the diagnosis and treatment of music-brain disorders. This absence echoes the hooks preface, in which Sacks expresses fear that the simple art of observation may be lost if we rely too much on new technologies. He does call for both approaches, though, and we can only hope that the neuro logical community will respond. | Beethovens Pathetique Sonata is a good treatment for musical disorders. | n |
id_4147 | Musical Maladies Music and the brain are both endlessly fascinating subjects, and as a neuroscientist specialising in auditory learning and memory, I find them especially intriguing. So I had high expectations of Musicophilia, the latest offering from neurologist and prolific author Oliver Sacks. And I confess to feeling a little guilty reporting that my reactions to the book are mixed. Sacks himself is the best part of Musicophilia. He richly documents his own life in the book and reveals highly personal experiences. The photograph of him on the cover of the book which shows him wearing headphones, eyes closed, clearly enchanted as he listens to Alfred Brendel perform Beethovens Pathetique Sonatamakes a positive impression that is borne out by the contents of the book. Sackss voice throughout is steady and erudite but never pontifical. He is neither self-conscious nor self-promoting. The preface gives a good idea of what the book will deliver. In it Sacks explains that he wants to convey the insights gleaned from the enormous and rapidly growing body of work on the neural underpinnings of musical perception and imagery, and the complex and often bizarre disorders to which these are prone He also stresses the importance of the simple art of observation and the richness of the human context. He wants to combine observation and description with the latest in technology, he says, and to imaginatively enter into the experience of his patients and subjects. The reader can see that Sacks, who has been practicing neurology for 40 years, is torn between the old-fashioned path of observation and the new-fangled, high-tech approach: He knows that he needs to take heed of the latter, but his heart lies with the former. The book consists mainly of detailed descriptions of cases, most of them involving patients whom Sacks has seen in his practice. Brief discussions of contemporary neuroscientific reports are sprinkled liberally throughout the text. Part I, Haunted by Music, begins with the strange case of Tony Cicoria, a nonmusical, middle-aged surgeon who was consumed by a love of music after being hit by lightning. He suddenly began to crave listening to piano music, which he had never cared for in the past. He started to play the piano and then to compose music, which arose spontaneously in his mind in a torrent of notes. How could this happen? Was the cause psychological? (He had had a near-death experience when the lightning struck him. ) Or was it the direct result of a change in the auditory regions of his cerebral cortex? Electro-encephalography (EEG) showed his brain waves to be normal in the mid-1990s, just after his trauma and subsequent conversion to music. There are now more sensitive tests, but Cicoria has declined to undergo them; he does not want to delve into the causes of his musicality. What a shame! Part II, A Range of Musicality, covers a wider variety of topics, but unfortunately, some of the chapters offer little or nothing that is new. For example, chapter 13, which is five pages long, merely notes that the blind often have better hearing than the sighted. The most interesting chapters are those that present the strangest cases. Chapter 8 is about amusia, an inability to hear sounds as music, and dysharmonia, a highly specific impairment of the ability to hear harmony, with the ability to understand melody left intact. Such specific dissociations are found throughout the cases Sacks recounts. To Sackss credit, part III, Memory, Movement and Music, brings us into the underappreciated realm of music therapy. Chapter 16 explains how melodic intonation therapy is being used to help expressive aphasie patients (those unable to express their thoughts verbally fol-lowing a stroke or other cerebral incident) once again become capable of fluent speech. In chapter 20, Sacks demonstrates the near-miraculous power of music to animate Parkinsons patients and other people with severe movement disorders, even those who are frozen into odd postures. Scientists cannot yet explain how music achieves this effect. To readers who are unfamiliar with neuroscience and music behavior, Musicophilia may be something of a revelation. But the book will not satisfy those seeking the causes and implications of the phenomena Sacks describes. For one thing, Sacks appears to be more at ease dis-cussing patients than discussing experiments. And he tends to be rather uncritical in accepting scientific findings and theories. Its true that the causes of music-brain oddities remain poorly understood. However, Sacks could have done more to draw out some of the implications of the careful observations that he and other neurologists have made and of the treatments that have been successful. For example, he might have noted that the many specific dissociations among components of music comprehension, such as loss of the ability to perceive harmony but not melody, indicate that there is no music center in the brain. Because many people who read the book are likely to believe in the brain localisation of all mental functions, this was a missed educational opportunity. Another conclusion one could draw is that there seem to be no cures for neurological problems involving music. A drug can alleviate a symptom in one patient and aggravate it in another, or can have both positive and negative effects in the same patient. Treatments mentioned seem to be almost exclusively antiepileptic medications, which damp down the excitability of the brain in general; their effectiveness varies widely. Finally, in many of the cases described here the patient with music-brain symptoms is reported to have normal EEG results. Although Sacks recognises the existence of new technologies, among them far more sensitive ways to analyze brain waves than the standard neurological EEG test, he does not call for their use. In fact, although he exhibits the greatest com-passion for patients, he conveys no sense of urgency about the pursuit of new avenues in the diagnosis and treatment of music-brain disorders. This absence echoes the hooks preface, in which Sacks expresses fear that the simple art of observation may be lost if we rely too much on new technologies. He does call for both approaches, though, and we can only hope that the neuro logical community will respond. | Sacks believes technological methods is not important compared with observation when studying his patients. | c |
id_4148 | Musical Maladies Music and the brain are both endlessly fascinating subjects, and as a neuroscientist specialising in auditory learning and memory, I find them especially intriguing. So I had high expectations of Musicophilia, the latest offering from neurologist and prolific author Oliver Sacks. And I confess to feeling a little guilty reporting that my reactions to the book are mixed. Sacks himself is the best part of Musicophilia. He richly documents his own life in the book and reveals highly personal experiences. The photograph of him on the cover of the book which shows him wearing headphones, eyes closed, clearly enchanted as he listens to Alfred Brendel perform Beethovens Pathetique Sonatamakes a positive impression that is borne out by the contents of the book. Sackss voice throughout is steady and erudite but never pontifical. He is neither self-conscious nor self-promoting. The preface gives a good idea of what the book will deliver. In it Sacks explains that he wants to convey the insights gleaned from the enormous and rapidly growing body of work on the neural underpinnings of musical perception and imagery, and the complex and often bizarre disorders to which these are prone He also stresses the importance of the simple art of observation and the richness of the human context. He wants to combine observation and description with the latest in technology, he says, and to imaginatively enter into the experience of his patients and subjects. The reader can see that Sacks, who has been practicing neurology for 40 years, is torn between the old-fashioned path of observation and the new-fangled, high-tech approach: He knows that he needs to take heed of the latter, but his heart lies with the former. The book consists mainly of detailed descriptions of cases, most of them involving patients whom Sacks has seen in his practice. Brief discussions of contemporary neuroscientific reports are sprinkled liberally throughout the text. Part I, Haunted by Music, begins with the strange case of Tony Cicoria, a nonmusical, middle-aged surgeon who was consumed by a love of music after being hit by lightning. He suddenly began to crave listening to piano music, which he had never cared for in the past. He started to play the piano and then to compose music, which arose spontaneously in his mind in a torrent of notes. How could this happen? Was the cause psychological? (He had had a near-death experience when the lightning struck him. ) Or was it the direct result of a change in the auditory regions of his cerebral cortex? Electro-encephalography (EEG) showed his brain waves to be normal in the mid-1990s, just after his trauma and subsequent conversion to music. There are now more sensitive tests, but Cicoria has declined to undergo them; he does not want to delve into the causes of his musicality. What a shame! Part II, A Range of Musicality, covers a wider variety of topics, but unfortunately, some of the chapters offer little or nothing that is new. For example, chapter 13, which is five pages long, merely notes that the blind often have better hearing than the sighted. The most interesting chapters are those that present the strangest cases. Chapter 8 is about amusia, an inability to hear sounds as music, and dysharmonia, a highly specific impairment of the ability to hear harmony, with the ability to understand melody left intact. Such specific dissociations are found throughout the cases Sacks recounts. To Sackss credit, part III, Memory, Movement and Music, brings us into the underappreciated realm of music therapy. Chapter 16 explains how melodic intonation therapy is being used to help expressive aphasie patients (those unable to express their thoughts verbally fol-lowing a stroke or other cerebral incident) once again become capable of fluent speech. In chapter 20, Sacks demonstrates the near-miraculous power of music to animate Parkinsons patients and other people with severe movement disorders, even those who are frozen into odd postures. Scientists cannot yet explain how music achieves this effect. To readers who are unfamiliar with neuroscience and music behavior, Musicophilia may be something of a revelation. But the book will not satisfy those seeking the causes and implications of the phenomena Sacks describes. For one thing, Sacks appears to be more at ease dis-cussing patients than discussing experiments. And he tends to be rather uncritical in accepting scientific findings and theories. Its true that the causes of music-brain oddities remain poorly understood. However, Sacks could have done more to draw out some of the implications of the careful observations that he and other neurologists have made and of the treatments that have been successful. For example, he might have noted that the many specific dissociations among components of music comprehension, such as loss of the ability to perceive harmony but not melody, indicate that there is no music center in the brain. Because many people who read the book are likely to believe in the brain localisation of all mental functions, this was a missed educational opportunity. Another conclusion one could draw is that there seem to be no cures for neurological problems involving music. A drug can alleviate a symptom in one patient and aggravate it in another, or can have both positive and negative effects in the same patient. Treatments mentioned seem to be almost exclusively antiepileptic medications, which damp down the excitability of the brain in general; their effectiveness varies widely. Finally, in many of the cases described here the patient with music-brain symptoms is reported to have normal EEG results. Although Sacks recognises the existence of new technologies, among them far more sensitive ways to analyze brain waves than the standard neurological EEG test, he does not call for their use. In fact, although he exhibits the greatest com-passion for patients, he conveys no sense of urgency about the pursuit of new avenues in the diagnosis and treatment of music-brain disorders. This absence echoes the hooks preface, in which Sacks expresses fear that the simple art of observation may be lost if we rely too much on new technologies. He does call for both approaches, though, and we can only hope that the neuro logical community will respond. | It is difficult to understand why music therapy is undervalued. | n |
id_4149 | Musical Maladies Music and the brain are both endlessly fascinating subjects, and as a neuroscientist specialising in auditory learning and memory, I find them especially intriguing. So I had high expectations of Musicophilia, the latest offering from neurologist and prolific author Oliver Sacks. And I confess to feeling a little guilty reporting that my reactions to the book are mixed. Sacks himself is the best part of Musicophilia. He richly documents his own life in the book and reveals highly personal experiences. The photograph of him on the cover of the book which shows him wearing headphones, eyes closed, clearly enchanted as he listens to Alfred Brendel perform Beethovens Pathetique Sonatamakes a positive impression that is borne out by the contents of the book. Sackss voice throughout is steady and erudite but never pontifical. He is neither self-conscious nor self-promoting. The preface gives a good idea of what the book will deliver. In it Sacks explains that he wants to convey the insights gleaned from the enormous and rapidly growing body of work on the neural underpinnings of musical perception and imagery, and the complex and often bizarre disorders to which these are prone He also stresses the importance of the simple art of observation and the richness of the human context. He wants to combine observation and description with the latest in technology, he says, and to imaginatively enter into the experience of his patients and subjects. The reader can see that Sacks, who has been practicing neurology for 40 years, is torn between the old-fashioned path of observation and the new-fangled, high-tech approach: He knows that he needs to take heed of the latter, but his heart lies with the former. The book consists mainly of detailed descriptions of cases, most of them involving patients whom Sacks has seen in his practice. Brief discussions of contemporary neuroscientific reports are sprinkled liberally throughout the text. Part I, Haunted by Music, begins with the strange case of Tony Cicoria, a nonmusical, middle-aged surgeon who was consumed by a love of music after being hit by lightning. He suddenly began to crave listening to piano music, which he had never cared for in the past. He started to play the piano and then to compose music, which arose spontaneously in his mind in a torrent of notes. How could this happen? Was the cause psychological? (He had had a near-death experience when the lightning struck him. ) Or was it the direct result of a change in the auditory regions of his cerebral cortex? Electro-encephalography (EEG) showed his brain waves to be normal in the mid-1990s, just after his trauma and subsequent conversion to music. There are now more sensitive tests, but Cicoria has declined to undergo them; he does not want to delve into the causes of his musicality. What a shame! Part II, A Range of Musicality, covers a wider variety of topics, but unfortunately, some of the chapters offer little or nothing that is new. For example, chapter 13, which is five pages long, merely notes that the blind often have better hearing than the sighted. The most interesting chapters are those that present the strangest cases. Chapter 8 is about amusia, an inability to hear sounds as music, and dysharmonia, a highly specific impairment of the ability to hear harmony, with the ability to understand melody left intact. Such specific dissociations are found throughout the cases Sacks recounts. To Sackss credit, part III, Memory, Movement and Music, brings us into the underappreciated realm of music therapy. Chapter 16 explains how melodic intonation therapy is being used to help expressive aphasie patients (those unable to express their thoughts verbally fol-lowing a stroke or other cerebral incident) once again become capable of fluent speech. In chapter 20, Sacks demonstrates the near-miraculous power of music to animate Parkinsons patients and other people with severe movement disorders, even those who are frozen into odd postures. Scientists cannot yet explain how music achieves this effect. To readers who are unfamiliar with neuroscience and music behavior, Musicophilia may be something of a revelation. But the book will not satisfy those seeking the causes and implications of the phenomena Sacks describes. For one thing, Sacks appears to be more at ease dis-cussing patients than discussing experiments. And he tends to be rather uncritical in accepting scientific findings and theories. Its true that the causes of music-brain oddities remain poorly understood. However, Sacks could have done more to draw out some of the implications of the careful observations that he and other neurologists have made and of the treatments that have been successful. For example, he might have noted that the many specific dissociations among components of music comprehension, such as loss of the ability to perceive harmony but not melody, indicate that there is no music center in the brain. Because many people who read the book are likely to believe in the brain localisation of all mental functions, this was a missed educational opportunity. Another conclusion one could draw is that there seem to be no cures for neurological problems involving music. A drug can alleviate a symptom in one patient and aggravate it in another, or can have both positive and negative effects in the same patient. Treatments mentioned seem to be almost exclusively antiepileptic medications, which damp down the excitability of the brain in general; their effectiveness varies widely. Finally, in many of the cases described here the patient with music-brain symptoms is reported to have normal EEG results. Although Sacks recognises the existence of new technologies, among them far more sensitive ways to analyze brain waves than the standard neurological EEG test, he does not call for their use. In fact, although he exhibits the greatest com-passion for patients, he conveys no sense of urgency about the pursuit of new avenues in the diagnosis and treatment of music-brain disorders. This absence echoes the hooks preface, in which Sacks expresses fear that the simple art of observation may be lost if we rely too much on new technologies. He does call for both approaches, though, and we can only hope that the neuro logical community will respond. | Sacks is impatient to use new testing methods. | c |
id_4150 | Musical Maladies Music and the brain are both endlessly fascinating subjects, and as a neuroscientist specialising in auditory learning and memory, I find them especially intriguing. So I had high expectations of Musicophilia, the latest offering from neurologist and prolific author Oliver Sacks. And I confess to feeling a little guilty reporting that my reactions to the book are mixed. Sacks himself is the best part of Musicophilia. He richly documents his own life in the book and reveals highly personal experiences. The photograph of him on the cover of the book which shows him wearing headphones, eyes closed, clearly enchanted as he listens to Alfred Brendel perform Beethovens Pathetique Sonatamakes a positive impression that is borne out by the contents of the book. Sackss voice throughout is steady and erudite but never pontifical. He is neither self-conscious nor self-promoting. The preface gives a good idea of what the book will deliver. In it Sacks explains that he wants to convey the insights gleaned from the enormous and rapidly growing body of work on the neural underpinnings of musical perception and imagery, and the complex and often bizarre disorders to which these are prone He also stresses the importance of the simple art of observation and the richness of the human context. He wants to combine observation and description with the latest in technology, he says, and to imaginatively enter into the experience of his patients and subjects. The reader can see that Sacks, who has been practicing neurology for 40 years, is torn between the old-fashioned path of observation and the new-fangled, high-tech approach: He knows that he needs to take heed of the latter, but his heart lies with the former. The book consists mainly of detailed descriptions of cases, most of them involving patients whom Sacks has seen in his practice. Brief discussions of contemporary neuroscientific reports are sprinkled liberally throughout the text. Part I, Haunted by Music, begins with the strange case of Tony Cicoria, a nonmusical, middle-aged surgeon who was consumed by a love of music after being hit by lightning. He suddenly began to crave listening to piano music, which he had never cared for in the past. He started to play the piano and then to compose music, which arose spontaneously in his mind in a torrent of notes. How could this happen? Was the cause psychological? (He had had a near-death experience when the lightning struck him. ) Or was it the direct result of a change in the auditory regions of his cerebral cortex? Electro-encephalography (EEG) showed his brain waves to be normal in the mid-1990s, just after his trauma and subsequent conversion to music. There are now more sensitive tests, but Cicoria has declined to undergo them; he does not want to delve into the causes of his musicality. What a shame! Part II, A Range of Musicality, covers a wider variety of topics, but unfortunately, some of the chapters offer little or nothing that is new. For example, chapter 13, which is five pages long, merely notes that the blind often have better hearing than the sighted. The most interesting chapters are those that present the strangest cases. Chapter 8 is about amusia, an inability to hear sounds as music, and dysharmonia, a highly specific impairment of the ability to hear harmony, with the ability to understand melody left intact. Such specific dissociations are found throughout the cases Sacks recounts. To Sackss credit, part III, Memory, Movement and Music, brings us into the underappreciated realm of music therapy. Chapter 16 explains how melodic intonation therapy is being used to help expressive aphasie patients (those unable to express their thoughts verbally fol-lowing a stroke or other cerebral incident) once again become capable of fluent speech. In chapter 20, Sacks demonstrates the near-miraculous power of music to animate Parkinsons patients and other people with severe movement disorders, even those who are frozen into odd postures. Scientists cannot yet explain how music achieves this effect. To readers who are unfamiliar with neuroscience and music behavior, Musicophilia may be something of a revelation. But the book will not satisfy those seeking the causes and implications of the phenomena Sacks describes. For one thing, Sacks appears to be more at ease dis-cussing patients than discussing experiments. And he tends to be rather uncritical in accepting scientific findings and theories. Its true that the causes of music-brain oddities remain poorly understood. However, Sacks could have done more to draw out some of the implications of the careful observations that he and other neurologists have made and of the treatments that have been successful. For example, he might have noted that the many specific dissociations among components of music comprehension, such as loss of the ability to perceive harmony but not melody, indicate that there is no music center in the brain. Because many people who read the book are likely to believe in the brain localisation of all mental functions, this was a missed educational opportunity. Another conclusion one could draw is that there seem to be no cures for neurological problems involving music. A drug can alleviate a symptom in one patient and aggravate it in another, or can have both positive and negative effects in the same patient. Treatments mentioned seem to be almost exclusively antiepileptic medications, which damp down the excitability of the brain in general; their effectiveness varies widely. Finally, in many of the cases described here the patient with music-brain symptoms is reported to have normal EEG results. Although Sacks recognises the existence of new technologies, among them far more sensitive ways to analyze brain waves than the standard neurological EEG test, he does not call for their use. In fact, although he exhibits the greatest com-passion for patients, he conveys no sense of urgency about the pursuit of new avenues in the diagnosis and treatment of music-brain disorders. This absence echoes the hooks preface, in which Sacks expresses fear that the simple art of observation may be lost if we rely too much on new technologies. He does call for both approaches, though, and we can only hope that the neuro logical community will respond. | It is difficult to give a well-reputable writer a less than favorable review. | e |
id_4151 | Musical Maladies Music and the brain are both endlessly fascinating subjects, and as a neuroscientist specialising in auditory learning and memory, I find them especially intriguing. So I had high expectations of Musicophilia, the latest offering from neurologist and prolific author Oliver Sacks. And I confess to feeling a little guilty reporting that my reactions to the book are mixed. Sacks himself is the best part of Musicophilia. He richly documents his own life in the book and reveals highly personal experiences. The photograph of him on the cover of the book which shows him wearing headphones, eyes closed, clearly enchanted as he listens to Alfred Brendel perform Beethovens Pathetique Sonatamakes a positive impression that is borne out by the contents of the book. Sackss voice throughout is steady and erudite but never pontifical. He is neither self-conscious nor self-promoting. The preface gives a good idea of what the book will deliver. In it Sacks explains that he wants to convey the insights gleaned from the enormous and rapidly growing body of work on the neural underpinnings of musical perception and imagery, and the complex and often bizarre disorders to which these are prone He also stresses the importance of the simple art of observation and the richness of the human context. He wants to combine observation and description with the latest in technology, he says, and to imaginatively enter into the experience of his patients and subjects. The reader can see that Sacks, who has been practicing neurology for 40 years, is torn between the old-fashioned path of observation and the new-fangled, high-tech approach: He knows that he needs to take heed of the latter, but his heart lies with the former. The book consists mainly of detailed descriptions of cases, most of them involving patients whom Sacks has seen in his practice. Brief discussions of contemporary neuroscientific reports are sprinkled liberally throughout the text. Part I, Haunted by Music, begins with the strange case of Tony Cicoria, a nonmusical, middle-aged surgeon who was consumed by a love of music after being hit by lightning. He suddenly began to crave listening to piano music, which he had never cared for in the past. He started to play the piano and then to compose music, which arose spontaneously in his mind in a torrent of notes. How could this happen? Was the cause psychological? (He had had a near-death experience when the lightning struck him. ) Or was it the direct result of a change in the auditory regions of his cerebral cortex? Electro-encephalography (EEG) showed his brain waves to be normal in the mid-1990s, just after his trauma and subsequent conversion to music. There are now more sensitive tests, but Cicoria has declined to undergo them; he does not want to delve into the causes of his musicality. What a shame! Part II, A Range of Musicality, covers a wider variety of topics, but unfortunately, some of the chapters offer little or nothing that is new. For example, chapter 13, which is five pages long, merely notes that the blind often have better hearing than the sighted. The most interesting chapters are those that present the strangest cases. Chapter 8 is about amusia, an inability to hear sounds as music, and dysharmonia, a highly specific impairment of the ability to hear harmony, with the ability to understand melody left intact. Such specific dissociations are found throughout the cases Sacks recounts. To Sackss credit, part III, Memory, Movement and Music, brings us into the underappreciated realm of music therapy. Chapter 16 explains how melodic intonation therapy is being used to help expressive aphasie patients (those unable to express their thoughts verbally fol-lowing a stroke or other cerebral incident) once again become capable of fluent speech. In chapter 20, Sacks demonstrates the near-miraculous power of music to animate Parkinsons patients and other people with severe movement disorders, even those who are frozen into odd postures. Scientists cannot yet explain how music achieves this effect. To readers who are unfamiliar with neuroscience and music behavior, Musicophilia may be something of a revelation. But the book will not satisfy those seeking the causes and implications of the phenomena Sacks describes. For one thing, Sacks appears to be more at ease dis-cussing patients than discussing experiments. And he tends to be rather uncritical in accepting scientific findings and theories. Its true that the causes of music-brain oddities remain poorly understood. However, Sacks could have done more to draw out some of the implications of the careful observations that he and other neurologists have made and of the treatments that have been successful. For example, he might have noted that the many specific dissociations among components of music comprehension, such as loss of the ability to perceive harmony but not melody, indicate that there is no music center in the brain. Because many people who read the book are likely to believe in the brain localisation of all mental functions, this was a missed educational opportunity. Another conclusion one could draw is that there seem to be no cures for neurological problems involving music. A drug can alleviate a symptom in one patient and aggravate it in another, or can have both positive and negative effects in the same patient. Treatments mentioned seem to be almost exclusively antiepileptic medications, which damp down the excitability of the brain in general; their effectiveness varies widely. Finally, in many of the cases described here the patient with music-brain symptoms is reported to have normal EEG results. Although Sacks recognises the existence of new technologies, among them far more sensitive ways to analyze brain waves than the standard neurological EEG test, he does not call for their use. In fact, although he exhibits the greatest com-passion for patients, he conveys no sense of urgency about the pursuit of new avenues in the diagnosis and treatment of music-brain disorders. This absence echoes the hooks preface, in which Sacks expresses fear that the simple art of observation may be lost if we rely too much on new technologies. He does call for both approaches, though, and we can only hope that the neuro logical community will respond. | Sacks should have more skepticism about other theories and findings. | e |
id_4152 | NASA has recently activated a plant growth system on the orbiting lab of the International Space Station (ISS). This system includes a veggie chamber which provides lighting and nutrients for seeds. It relies on astronauts for water. The chamber contains a plant pillow holding a growth medium and seeds for red romaine lettuce. There is also a similar chamber at the Kennedy Space Center in Florida. Plants grown on the ISS will be harvested there and then frozen and returned to Earth. Scientists will compare the samples from the chamber on the ISS and on Earth to determine whether the space-grown food is safe, nutritious, and even what it tastes like. The system will remain on-board the ISS for future use perhaps eventually growing fresh vegetables for astronauts to eat. | All plants grown aboard the ISS will be frozen. | n |
id_4153 | NASA has recently activated a plant growth system on the orbiting lab of the International Space Station (ISS). This system includes a veggie chamber which provides lighting and nutrients for seeds. It relies on astronauts for water. The chamber contains a plant pillow holding a growth medium and seeds for red romaine lettuce. There is also a similar chamber at the Kennedy Space Center in Florida. Plants grown on the ISS will be harvested there and then frozen and returned to Earth. Scientists will compare the samples from the chamber on the ISS and on Earth to determine whether the space-grown food is safe, nutritious, and even what it tastes like. The system will remain on-board the ISS for future use perhaps eventually growing fresh vegetables for astronauts to eat. | The veggie chamber provides the plants with everything they need. | c |
id_4154 | NASA has recently activated a plant growth system on the orbiting lab of the International Space Station (ISS). This system includes a veggie chamber which provides lighting and nutrients for seeds. It relies on astronauts for water. The chamber contains a plant pillow holding a growth medium and seeds for red romaine lettuce. There is also a similar chamber at the Kennedy Space Center in Florida. Plants grown on the ISS will be harvested there and then frozen and returned to Earth. Scientists will compare the samples from the chamber on the ISS and on Earth to determine whether the space-grown food is safe, nutritious, and even what it tastes like. The system will remain on-board the ISS for future use perhaps eventually growing fresh vegetables for astronauts to eat. | Plants grown in space compare in nutritional value and taste to these grown on earth. | n |
id_4155 | NASA, the US space agency, announced plans to return to the Moon within the next 15 years and this time the plan is to stay. It was 1972 when the last people stepped onto the moon. The next time an astronaut walks there he or she is most likely to visit the polar region rather than the equatorial zone, the site of all previous missions. The poles are the preferred location because they experience more moderate temperatures and are bathed in almost continuous sunlight, which will allow a permanent research station to rely on solar power. Another benefit of the poles regions is that they are believed to hold mineral deposits from which oxygen and hydrogen can be extracted. After a number of robotic scouting missions there would then occur a great many short-duration manned transportation missions. Once operational the station would be permanently occupied with astronauts undertaking six monthly tours of duty. They would undertake a wide range of scientific tasks perhaps the most ambitious of which will be to prepare for a journey to the planet Mars. | The conclusion that the polar region of the moon is the preferred location for the station is wholly dependent on the assumption that the oxygen and hydrogen extracted there could be used by the astronauts. | c |
id_4156 | NASA, the US space agency, announced plans to return to the Moon within the next 15 years and this time the plan is to stay. It was 1972 when the last people stepped onto the moon. The next time an astronaut walks there he or she is most likely to visit the polar region rather than the equatorial zone, the site of all previous missions. The poles are the preferred location because they experience more moderate temperatures and are bathed in almost continuous sunlight, which will allow a permanent research station to rely on solar power. Another benefit of the poles regions is that they are believed to hold mineral deposits from which oxygen and hydrogen can be extracted. After a number of robotic scouting missions there would then occur a great many short-duration manned transportation missions. Once operational the station would be permanently occupied with astronauts undertaking six monthly tours of duty. They would undertake a wide range of scientific tasks perhaps the most ambitious of which will be to prepare for a journey to the planet Mars. | Incredibly, or more likely unintentionally, the passage states that the next astronaut will have to walk to the moon! | c |
id_4157 | NASA, the US space agency, announced plans to return to the Moon within the next 15 years and this time the plan is to stay. It was 1972 when the last people stepped onto the moon. The next time an astronaut walks there he or she is most likely to visit the polar region rather than the equatorial zone, the site of all previous missions. The poles are the preferred location because they experience more moderate temperatures and are bathed in almost continuous sunlight, which will allow a permanent research station to rely on solar power. Another benefit of the poles regions is that they are believed to hold mineral deposits from which oxygen and hydrogen can be extracted. After a number of robotic scouting missions there would then occur a great many short-duration manned transportation missions. Once operational the station would be permanently occupied with astronauts undertaking six monthly tours of duty. They would undertake a wide range of scientific tasks perhaps the most ambitious of which will be to prepare for a journey to the planet Mars. | The moon station will operate as a science laboratory and its principal objective will be preparing for a manned mission to Mars. | n |
id_4158 | NASA, the US space agency, announced plans to return to the moon in 15 years and the plan is to stay. It was 1972 when the last people stepped on the moon. The next time an astronaut walks there he or she is most likely to visit the polar region rather than the equatorial zone, the site of all previous missions. The poles are the preferred location because they experience more moderate temperatures and are bathed in almost continuous sunlight which will allow a permanent research station to be powered by solar power. Another benefit of the polar regions is that they are believed to hold mineral deposits from which oxygen and hydrogen can be extracted. And with oxygen and hydrogen the astronauts will be able to make water. After a number of robotic scouting missions a great many short duration manned transportation missions would take place. These missions would deliver the components necessary to build the moon station. | We can expect the next moon mission to take place in 15 years time. | c |
id_4159 | NASA, the US space agency, announced plans to return to the moon in 15 years and the plan is to stay. It was 1972 when the last people stepped on the moon. The next time an astronaut walks there he or she is most likely to visit the polar region rather than the equatorial zone, the site of all previous missions. The poles are the preferred location because they experience more moderate temperatures and are bathed in almost continuous sunlight which will allow a permanent research station to be powered by solar power. Another benefit of the polar regions is that they are believed to hold mineral deposits from which oxygen and hydrogen can be extracted. And with oxygen and hydrogen the astronauts will be able to make water. After a number of robotic scouting missions a great many short duration manned transportation missions would take place. These missions would deliver the components necessary to build the moon station. | The question of where the astronauts will get their water from is answered in the passage. | e |
id_4160 | NASA, the US space agency, announced plans to return to the moon in 15 years and the plan is to stay. It was 1972 when the last people stepped on the moon. The next time an astronaut walks there he or she is most likely to visit the polar region rather than the equatorial zone, the site of all previous missions. The poles are the preferred location because they experience more moderate temperatures and are bathed in almost continuous sunlight which will allow a permanent research station to be powered by solar power. Another benefit of the polar regions is that they are believed to hold mineral deposits from which oxygen and hydrogen can be extracted. And with oxygen and hydrogen the astronauts will be able to make water. After a number of robotic scouting missions a great many short duration manned transportation missions would take place. These missions would deliver the components necessary to build the moon station. | The following are all referred to in the passage: mineral deposits, the moon bases power source, the landing site for the next moon mission and the date of the last manned moon mission. | e |
id_4161 | NASA, the US space agency, announced plans to return to the moon in 15 years and the plan is to stay. It was 1972 when the last people stepped on the moon. The next time an astronaut walks there he or she is most likely to visit the polar region rather than the equatorial zone, the site of all previous missions. The poles are the preferred location because they experience more moderate temperatures and are bathed in almost continuous sunlight which will allow a permanent research station to be powered by solar power. Another benefit of the polar regions is that they are believed to hold mineral deposits from which oxygen and hydrogen can be extracted. And with oxygen and hydrogen the astronauts will be able to make water. After a number of robotic scouting missions a great many short duration manned transportation missions would take place. These missions would deliver the components necessary to build the moon station. | The tone of the passage is fatalistic. | c |
id_4162 | NASA, the US space agency, announced plans to return to the moon in 15 years and the plan is to stay. It was 1972 when the last people stepped on the moon. The next time an astronaut walks there he or she is most likely to visit the polar region rather than the equatorial zone, the site of all previous missions. The poles are the preferred location because they experience more moderate temperatures and are bathed in almost continuous sunlight which will allow a permanent research station to be powered by solar power. Another benefit of the polar regions is that they are believed to hold mineral deposits from which oxygen and hydrogen can be extracted. And with oxygen and hydrogen the astronauts will be able to make water. After a number of robotic scouting missions a great many short duration manned transportation missions would take place. These missions would deliver the components necessary to build the moon station. | The last manned mission to the moon in 1972 included a women astronaut. | n |
id_4163 | NATURAL CHOICE Coffee and chocolate When scientists from Londons Natural History Museum descended on the coffee farms of the tiny Central American republic of El Salvador, they were astonished to find such diversity of insect and plant species. During 18 months work on 12 farms, they found a third more species of parasitic wasp than are known to exist in the whole country of Costa Rica. They described four new species and are aware of a fifth. On 24 farms, they found nearly 300 species of tree when they had expected to find about 100. El Salvador has lost much of its natural forest, with coffee farms covering nearly 10% of the country. Most of them use the shade-grown method of production, which utilises a semi-natural forest ecosystem. Alex Munro, the museums botanist on the expedition, says: Our findings amazed our insect specialist. Theres a very sophisticated food web present. The wasps, for instance, may depend on specific species of tree. Its the same the world over. Species diversity is much higher where coffee is grown in shade conditions. In addition, coffee (and chocolate) is usually grown in tropical rainforest regions that are biodiversity hotspots. These habitats support up to 70% of the planets plant and animal species, and so the production methods of cocoa and coffee can have a hugely significant impact, explains Dr Paul Donald of the Royal Society for the. Protection of Birds. So what does shade-grown mean, and why is it good for wildlife? Most of the worlds coffee is produced by poor farmers in the developing world. Traditionally they have grown coffee (and cocoa) under the shade of selectively thinned tracts of rain forest in a genuinely sustainable form of farming. Leaf fall from the canopy provides a supply of nutrients and acts as a mulch that suppresses weeds. The insects that live in the canopy pollinate the cocoa and coffee and prey on pests. The trees also provide farmers with fruit and wood for fuel. Bird diversity in shade-grown coffee plantations rivals that found in natural forests in the same region. says Robert Rice from the Smithsonian Migratory Bird Center. In Ghana, West Africa one of the worlds biggest producers of cocoa 90% of the cocoa is grown under shade, and these forest plantations are a vital habitat for wintering European migrant birds. In the same way, the coffee forests of Central and South America are a refuge for wintering North American migrants. More recently, a combination of the collapse in the world market for coffee and cocoa and a drive to increase yields by producer countries has led to huge swathes of shade-grown coffee and cocoa being cleared to make way for a highly intensive, monoculture pattern of production known as full sun. But this system not only reduces the diversity of flora and fauna, it also requires huge amounts of pesticides and fertilisers. In Cote dIvoire, which produces more than half the worlds cocoa, more than a third of the crop is now grown in full-sun conditions. The loggers have been busy in the Americas too, where nearly 70% of all Colombian coffee is now produced using full-sun production. One study carried out in Colombia and Mexico found that, compared with shade coffee, full-sun plantations have 95% fewer species of birds. In El Salvador, Alex Munro says shade-coffee farms have a cultural as well as ecological significance and people are not happy to see them go. But the financial pressures are great, and few of these coffee farms make much money. One farm we studied, a cooperative of 100 families, made just $10,000 a year, $100 per family and thats not taking labour costs into account. The loss of shade-coffee forests has so alarmed a number of North American wildlife organisations that they are now harnessing consumer power to help save these threatened habitats. They are promoting a certification system that can indicate to consumers that the beans have been grown on shade plantations. Bird-friendly coffee, for instance, is marketed by the Smithsonian Migratory Bird Center. The idea is that the small extra cost is passed directly on to the coffee farmers as a financial incentive to maintain their shade-coffee farms. Not all conservationists agree with such measures, however. Some say certification could be leading to the loss not preservation of natural forests. John Rappole of the Smithsonian Conservation and Research Center, for example, argues that shade-grown marketing provides an incentive to convert existing areas of primary forest that are too remote or steep to be converted profitably to other forms of cultivation into shade-coffee plantations. Other conservationists, such as Stacey Philpott and colleagues, argue the case for shade coffee. But there are different types of shade growing. Those used by subsistence farmers are virtually identical to natural forest (and have a corresponding diversity), while systems that use coffee plants as the understorey and cacao or citrus trees as the overstorey may be no more diverse than full-sun farms. Certification procedures need to distinguish between the two. and Ms. Philpott argues that as long as the process is rigorous and offers financial gains to the producers, shade growing does benefit the environment. | Nearly three-quarters of the Earths wildlife species can be found in shade- coffee plantations. | c |
id_4164 | NATURAL CHOICE Coffee and chocolate When scientists from Londons Natural History Museum descended on the coffee farms of the tiny Central American republic of El Salvador, they were astonished to find such diversity of insect and plant species. During 18 months work on 12 farms, they found a third more species of parasitic wasp than are known to exist in the whole country of Costa Rica. They described four new species and are aware of a fifth. On 24 farms, they found nearly 300 species of tree when they had expected to find about 100. El Salvador has lost much of its natural forest, with coffee farms covering nearly 10% of the country. Most of them use the shade-grown method of production, which utilises a semi-natural forest ecosystem. Alex Munro, the museums botanist on the expedition, says: Our findings amazed our insect specialist. Theres a very sophisticated food web present. The wasps, for instance, may depend on specific species of tree. Its the same the world over. Species diversity is much higher where coffee is grown in shade conditions. In addition, coffee (and chocolate) is usually grown in tropical rainforest regions that are biodiversity hotspots. These habitats support up to 70% of the planets plant and animal species, and so the production methods of cocoa and coffee can have a hugely significant impact, explains Dr Paul Donald of the Royal Society for the. Protection of Birds. So what does shade-grown mean, and why is it good for wildlife? Most of the worlds coffee is produced by poor farmers in the developing world. Traditionally they have grown coffee (and cocoa) under the shade of selectively thinned tracts of rain forest in a genuinely sustainable form of farming. Leaf fall from the canopy provides a supply of nutrients and acts as a mulch that suppresses weeds. The insects that live in the canopy pollinate the cocoa and coffee and prey on pests. The trees also provide farmers with fruit and wood for fuel. Bird diversity in shade-grown coffee plantations rivals that found in natural forests in the same region. says Robert Rice from the Smithsonian Migratory Bird Center. In Ghana, West Africa one of the worlds biggest producers of cocoa 90% of the cocoa is grown under shade, and these forest plantations are a vital habitat for wintering European migrant birds. In the same way, the coffee forests of Central and South America are a refuge for wintering North American migrants. More recently, a combination of the collapse in the world market for coffee and cocoa and a drive to increase yields by producer countries has led to huge swathes of shade-grown coffee and cocoa being cleared to make way for a highly intensive, monoculture pattern of production known as full sun. But this system not only reduces the diversity of flora and fauna, it also requires huge amounts of pesticides and fertilisers. In Cote dIvoire, which produces more than half the worlds cocoa, more than a third of the crop is now grown in full-sun conditions. The loggers have been busy in the Americas too, where nearly 70% of all Colombian coffee is now produced using full-sun production. One study carried out in Colombia and Mexico found that, compared with shade coffee, full-sun plantations have 95% fewer species of birds. In El Salvador, Alex Munro says shade-coffee farms have a cultural as well as ecological significance and people are not happy to see them go. But the financial pressures are great, and few of these coffee farms make much money. One farm we studied, a cooperative of 100 families, made just $10,000 a year, $100 per family and thats not taking labour costs into account. The loss of shade-coffee forests has so alarmed a number of North American wildlife organisations that they are now harnessing consumer power to help save these threatened habitats. They are promoting a certification system that can indicate to consumers that the beans have been grown on shade plantations. Bird-friendly coffee, for instance, is marketed by the Smithsonian Migratory Bird Center. The idea is that the small extra cost is passed directly on to the coffee farmers as a financial incentive to maintain their shade-coffee farms. Not all conservationists agree with such measures, however. Some say certification could be leading to the loss not preservation of natural forests. John Rappole of the Smithsonian Conservation and Research Center, for example, argues that shade-grown marketing provides an incentive to convert existing areas of primary forest that are too remote or steep to be converted profitably to other forms of cultivation into shade-coffee plantations. Other conservationists, such as Stacey Philpott and colleagues, argue the case for shade coffee. But there are different types of shade growing. Those used by subsistence farmers are virtually identical to natural forest (and have a corresponding diversity), while systems that use coffee plants as the understorey and cacao or citrus trees as the overstorey may be no more diverse than full-sun farms. Certification procedures need to distinguish between the two. and Ms. Philpott argues that as long as the process is rigorous and offers financial gains to the producers, shade growing does benefit the environment. | Full-sun cultivation can increase the costs of farming. | e |
id_4165 | NATURAL CHOICE Coffee and chocolate When scientists from Londons Natural History Museum descended on the coffee farms of the tiny Central American republic of El Salvador, they were astonished to find such diversity of insect and plant species. During 18 months work on 12 farms, they found a third more species of parasitic wasp than are known to exist in the whole country of Costa Rica. They described four new species and are aware of a fifth. On 24 farms, they found nearly 300 species of tree when they had expected to find about 100. El Salvador has lost much of its natural forest, with coffee farms covering nearly 10% of the country. Most of them use the shade-grown method of production, which utilises a semi-natural forest ecosystem. Alex Munro, the museums botanist on the expedition, says: Our findings amazed our insect specialist. Theres a very sophisticated food web present. The wasps, for instance, may depend on specific species of tree. Its the same the world over. Species diversity is much higher where coffee is grown in shade conditions. In addition, coffee (and chocolate) is usually grown in tropical rainforest regions that are biodiversity hotspots. These habitats support up to 70% of the planets plant and animal species, and so the production methods of cocoa and coffee can have a hugely significant impact, explains Dr Paul Donald of the Royal Society for the. Protection of Birds. So what does shade-grown mean, and why is it good for wildlife? Most of the worlds coffee is produced by poor farmers in the developing world. Traditionally they have grown coffee (and cocoa) under the shade of selectively thinned tracts of rain forest in a genuinely sustainable form of farming. Leaf fall from the canopy provides a supply of nutrients and acts as a mulch that suppresses weeds. The insects that live in the canopy pollinate the cocoa and coffee and prey on pests. The trees also provide farmers with fruit and wood for fuel. Bird diversity in shade-grown coffee plantations rivals that found in natural forests in the same region. says Robert Rice from the Smithsonian Migratory Bird Center. In Ghana, West Africa one of the worlds biggest producers of cocoa 90% of the cocoa is grown under shade, and these forest plantations are a vital habitat for wintering European migrant birds. In the same way, the coffee forests of Central and South America are a refuge for wintering North American migrants. More recently, a combination of the collapse in the world market for coffee and cocoa and a drive to increase yields by producer countries has led to huge swathes of shade-grown coffee and cocoa being cleared to make way for a highly intensive, monoculture pattern of production known as full sun. But this system not only reduces the diversity of flora and fauna, it also requires huge amounts of pesticides and fertilisers. In Cote dIvoire, which produces more than half the worlds cocoa, more than a third of the crop is now grown in full-sun conditions. The loggers have been busy in the Americas too, where nearly 70% of all Colombian coffee is now produced using full-sun production. One study carried out in Colombia and Mexico found that, compared with shade coffee, full-sun plantations have 95% fewer species of birds. In El Salvador, Alex Munro says shade-coffee farms have a cultural as well as ecological significance and people are not happy to see them go. But the financial pressures are great, and few of these coffee farms make much money. One farm we studied, a cooperative of 100 families, made just $10,000 a year, $100 per family and thats not taking labour costs into account. The loss of shade-coffee forests has so alarmed a number of North American wildlife organisations that they are now harnessing consumer power to help save these threatened habitats. They are promoting a certification system that can indicate to consumers that the beans have been grown on shade plantations. Bird-friendly coffee, for instance, is marketed by the Smithsonian Migratory Bird Center. The idea is that the small extra cost is passed directly on to the coffee farmers as a financial incentive to maintain their shade-coffee farms. Not all conservationists agree with such measures, however. Some say certification could be leading to the loss not preservation of natural forests. John Rappole of the Smithsonian Conservation and Research Center, for example, argues that shade-grown marketing provides an incentive to convert existing areas of primary forest that are too remote or steep to be converted profitably to other forms of cultivation into shade-coffee plantations. Other conservationists, such as Stacey Philpott and colleagues, argue the case for shade coffee. But there are different types of shade growing. Those used by subsistence farmers are virtually identical to natural forest (and have a corresponding diversity), while systems that use coffee plants as the understorey and cacao or citrus trees as the overstorey may be no more diverse than full-sun farms. Certification procedures need to distinguish between the two. and Ms. Philpott argues that as long as the process is rigorous and offers financial gains to the producers, shade growing does benefit the environment. | Shade plantations are important for migrating birds in both Africa and the Americas. | e |
id_4166 | NATURAL CHOICE Coffee and chocolate When scientists from Londons Natural History Museum descended on the coffee farms of the tiny Central American republic of El Salvador, they were astonished to find such diversity of insect and plant species. During 18 months work on 12 farms, they found a third more species of parasitic wasp than are known to exist in the whole country of Costa Rica. They described four new species and are aware of a fifth. On 24 farms, they found nearly 300 species of tree when they had expected to find about 100. El Salvador has lost much of its natural forest, with coffee farms covering nearly 10% of the country. Most of them use the shade-grown method of production, which utilises a semi-natural forest ecosystem. Alex Munro, the museums botanist on the expedition, says: Our findings amazed our insect specialist. Theres a very sophisticated food web present. The wasps, for instance, may depend on specific species of tree. Its the same the world over. Species diversity is much higher where coffee is grown in shade conditions. In addition, coffee (and chocolate) is usually grown in tropical rainforest regions that are biodiversity hotspots. These habitats support up to 70% of the planets plant and animal species, and so the production methods of cocoa and coffee can have a hugely significant impact, explains Dr Paul Donald of the Royal Society for the. Protection of Birds. So what does shade-grown mean, and why is it good for wildlife? Most of the worlds coffee is produced by poor farmers in the developing world. Traditionally they have grown coffee (and cocoa) under the shade of selectively thinned tracts of rain forest in a genuinely sustainable form of farming. Leaf fall from the canopy provides a supply of nutrients and acts as a mulch that suppresses weeds. The insects that live in the canopy pollinate the cocoa and coffee and prey on pests. The trees also provide farmers with fruit and wood for fuel. Bird diversity in shade-grown coffee plantations rivals that found in natural forests in the same region. says Robert Rice from the Smithsonian Migratory Bird Center. In Ghana, West Africa one of the worlds biggest producers of cocoa 90% of the cocoa is grown under shade, and these forest plantations are a vital habitat for wintering European migrant birds. In the same way, the coffee forests of Central and South America are a refuge for wintering North American migrants. More recently, a combination of the collapse in the world market for coffee and cocoa and a drive to increase yields by producer countries has led to huge swathes of shade-grown coffee and cocoa being cleared to make way for a highly intensive, monoculture pattern of production known as full sun. But this system not only reduces the diversity of flora and fauna, it also requires huge amounts of pesticides and fertilisers. In Cote dIvoire, which produces more than half the worlds cocoa, more than a third of the crop is now grown in full-sun conditions. The loggers have been busy in the Americas too, where nearly 70% of all Colombian coffee is now produced using full-sun production. One study carried out in Colombia and Mexico found that, compared with shade coffee, full-sun plantations have 95% fewer species of birds. In El Salvador, Alex Munro says shade-coffee farms have a cultural as well as ecological significance and people are not happy to see them go. But the financial pressures are great, and few of these coffee farms make much money. One farm we studied, a cooperative of 100 families, made just $10,000 a year, $100 per family and thats not taking labour costs into account. The loss of shade-coffee forests has so alarmed a number of North American wildlife organisations that they are now harnessing consumer power to help save these threatened habitats. They are promoting a certification system that can indicate to consumers that the beans have been grown on shade plantations. Bird-friendly coffee, for instance, is marketed by the Smithsonian Migratory Bird Center. The idea is that the small extra cost is passed directly on to the coffee farmers as a financial incentive to maintain their shade-coffee farms. Not all conservationists agree with such measures, however. Some say certification could be leading to the loss not preservation of natural forests. John Rappole of the Smithsonian Conservation and Research Center, for example, argues that shade-grown marketing provides an incentive to convert existing areas of primary forest that are too remote or steep to be converted profitably to other forms of cultivation into shade-coffee plantations. Other conservationists, such as Stacey Philpott and colleagues, argue the case for shade coffee. But there are different types of shade growing. Those used by subsistence farmers are virtually identical to natural forest (and have a corresponding diversity), while systems that use coffee plants as the understorey and cacao or citrus trees as the overstorey may be no more diverse than full-sun farms. Certification procedures need to distinguish between the two. and Ms. Philpott argues that as long as the process is rigorous and offers financial gains to the producers, shade growing does benefit the environment. | Farmers in El Salvador who have tried both methods prefer shade-grown plantations. | n |
id_4167 | NATURAL CHOICE Coffee and chocolate When scientists from Londons Natural History Museum descended on the coffee farms of the tiny Central American republic of El Salvador, they were astonished to find such diversity of insect and plant species. During 18 months work on 12 farms, they found a third more species of parasitic wasp than are known to exist in the whole country of Costa Rica. They described four new species and are aware of a fifth. On 24 farms, they found nearly 300 species of tree when they had expected to find about 100. El Salvador has lost much of its natural forest, with coffee farms covering nearly 10% of the country. Most of them use the shade-grown method of production, which utilises a semi-natural forest ecosystem. Alex Munro, the museums botanist on the expedition, says: Our findings amazed our insect specialist. Theres a very sophisticated food web present. The wasps, for instance, may depend on specific species of tree. Its the same the world over. Species diversity is much higher where coffee is grown in shade conditions. In addition, coffee (and chocolate) is usually grown in tropical rainforest regions that are biodiversity hotspots. These habitats support up to 70% of the planets plant and animal species, and so the production methods of cocoa and coffee can have a hugely significant impact, explains Dr Paul Donald of the Royal Society for the. Protection of Birds. So what does shade-grown mean, and why is it good for wildlife? Most of the worlds coffee is produced by poor farmers in the developing world. Traditionally they have grown coffee (and cocoa) under the shade of selectively thinned tracts of rain forest in a genuinely sustainable form of farming. Leaf fall from the canopy provides a supply of nutrients and acts as a mulch that suppresses weeds. The insects that live in the canopy pollinate the cocoa and coffee and prey on pests. The trees also provide farmers with fruit and wood for fuel. Bird diversity in shade-grown coffee plantations rivals that found in natural forests in the same region. says Robert Rice from the Smithsonian Migratory Bird Center. In Ghana, West Africa one of the worlds biggest producers of cocoa 90% of the cocoa is grown under shade, and these forest plantations are a vital habitat for wintering European migrant birds. In the same way, the coffee forests of Central and South America are a refuge for wintering North American migrants. More recently, a combination of the collapse in the world market for coffee and cocoa and a drive to increase yields by producer countries has led to huge swathes of shade-grown coffee and cocoa being cleared to make way for a highly intensive, monoculture pattern of production known as full sun. But this system not only reduces the diversity of flora and fauna, it also requires huge amounts of pesticides and fertilisers. In Cote dIvoire, which produces more than half the worlds cocoa, more than a third of the crop is now grown in full-sun conditions. The loggers have been busy in the Americas too, where nearly 70% of all Colombian coffee is now produced using full-sun production. One study carried out in Colombia and Mexico found that, compared with shade coffee, full-sun plantations have 95% fewer species of birds. In El Salvador, Alex Munro says shade-coffee farms have a cultural as well as ecological significance and people are not happy to see them go. But the financial pressures are great, and few of these coffee farms make much money. One farm we studied, a cooperative of 100 families, made just $10,000 a year, $100 per family and thats not taking labour costs into account. The loss of shade-coffee forests has so alarmed a number of North American wildlife organisations that they are now harnessing consumer power to help save these threatened habitats. They are promoting a certification system that can indicate to consumers that the beans have been grown on shade plantations. Bird-friendly coffee, for instance, is marketed by the Smithsonian Migratory Bird Center. The idea is that the small extra cost is passed directly on to the coffee farmers as a financial incentive to maintain their shade-coffee farms. Not all conservationists agree with such measures, however. Some say certification could be leading to the loss not preservation of natural forests. John Rappole of the Smithsonian Conservation and Research Center, for example, argues that shade-grown marketing provides an incentive to convert existing areas of primary forest that are too remote or steep to be converted profitably to other forms of cultivation into shade-coffee plantations. Other conservationists, such as Stacey Philpott and colleagues, argue the case for shade coffee. But there are different types of shade growing. Those used by subsistence farmers are virtually identical to natural forest (and have a corresponding diversity), while systems that use coffee plants as the understorey and cacao or citrus trees as the overstorey may be no more diverse than full-sun farms. Certification procedures need to distinguish between the two. and Ms. Philpott argues that as long as the process is rigorous and offers financial gains to the producers, shade growing does benefit the environment. | More species survive on the farms studied by the researchers than in the natural El Salvador forests. | n |
id_4168 | NEW ELECTRICITY ACCOUNT PAYMENT FACILITIES AVAILABLE FROM JULY 1998 After 1 July 1998, you may pay your electricity account in any of the following ways: 2. Agency payments (payments directly to the bank): Payments can be made at any branch of the Federal Bank by completing the deposit slip attached to your account notice. NB: This facility is no longer available at South Pacific Bank branches. 3. Payments directly to Coastside Power Office: Payments can be made directly to Coastside Power Office at 78-80 Third Avenue, Northbridge. Office hours are Monday to Friday, 8.30 am to 4.30 pm. Payment may be by personal cheque, bank cheque or cash. Note: Payments cannot be made by phone. | If you want a receipt, you should send your payment to the Southport address. | c |
id_4169 | NEW ELECTRICITY ACCOUNT PAYMENT FACILITIES AVAILABLE FROM JULY 1998 After 1 July 1998, you may pay your electricity account in any of the following ways: 2. Agency payments (payments directly to the bank): Payments can be made at any branch of the Federal Bank by completing the deposit slip attached to your account notice. NB: This facility is no longer available at South Pacific Bank branches. 3. Payments directly to Coastside Power Office: Payments can be made directly to Coastside Power Office at 78-80 Third Avenue, Northbridge. Office hours are Monday to Friday, 8.30 am to 4.30 pm. Payment may be by personal cheque, bank cheque or cash. Note: Payments cannot be made by phone. | You may pay your account at branches of the Federal Bank. | e |
id_4170 | NEW ELECTRICITY ACCOUNT PAYMENT FACILITIES AVAILABLE FROM JULY 1998 After 1 July 1998, you may pay your electricity account in any of the following ways: 2. Agency payments (payments directly to the bank): Payments can be made at any branch of the Federal Bank by completing the deposit slip attached to your account notice. NB: This facility is no longer available at South Pacific Bank branches. 3. Payments directly to Coastside Power Office: Payments can be made directly to Coastside Power Office at 78-80 Third Avenue, Northbridge. Office hours are Monday to Friday, 8.30 am to 4.30 pm. Payment may be by personal cheque, bank cheque or cash. Note: Payments cannot be made by phone. | There is a reduction for prompt payment. | n |
id_4171 | NEW ELECTRICITY ACCOUNT PAYMENT FACILITIES AVAILABLE FROM JULY 1998 After 1 July 1998, you may pay your electricity account in any of the following ways: 2. Agency payments (payments directly to the bank): Payments can be made at any branch of the Federal Bank by completing the deposit slip attached to your account notice. NB: This facility is no longer available at South Pacific Bank branches. 3. Payments directly to Coastside Power Office: Payments can be made directly to Coastside Power Office at 78-80 Third Avenue, Northbridge. Office hours are Monday to Friday, 8.30 am to 4.30 pm. Payment may be by personal cheque, bank cheque or cash. Note: Payments cannot be made by phone. | You may pay your account by phone using your credit card. | c |
id_4172 | NEW ELECTRICITY ACCOUNT PAYMENT FACILITIES AVAILABLE FROM JULY 1998 After 1 July 1998, you may pay your electricity account in any of the following ways: 2. Agency payments (payments directly to the bank): Payments can be made at any branch of the Federal Bank by completing the deposit slip attached to your account notice. NB: This facility is no longer available at South Pacific Bank branches. 3. Payments directly to Coastside Power Office: Payments can be made directly to Coastside Power Office at 78-80 Third Avenue, Northbridge. Office hours are Monday to Friday, 8.30 am to 4.30 pm. Payment may be by personal cheque, bank cheque or cash. Note: Payments cannot be made by phone. | You must pay the full amount, instalments are not permitted. | n |
id_4173 | NEW ELECTRICITY ACCOUNT PAYMENT FACILITIES AVAILABLE FROM JULY 1998 After 1 July 1998, you may pay your electricity account in any of the following ways: 2. Agency payments (payments directly to the bank): Payments can be made at any branch of the Federal Bank by completing the deposit slip attached to your account notice. NB: This facility is no longer available at South Pacific Bank branches. 3. Payments directly to Coastside Power Office: Payments can be made directly to Coastside Power Office at 78-80 Third Avenue, Northbridge. Office hours are Monday to Friday, 8.30 am to 4.30 pm. Payment may be by personal cheque, bank cheque or cash. Note: Payments cannot be made by phone. | The Coastside Power Office is open on Saturday mornings. | c |
id_4174 | NO-WASTE RECYCLING GUIDE No-Waste is a goal and a process that involves individuals, communities, businesses and all levels of government. It leads to a future where trash is a thing of the past. Solid waste isnt hidden or buried in landfills but fully utilised as the valuable resource that it is. Through redesign, reduction, reuse, repair, recycling, composting and changes in attitude, we aim to create opportunity and wealth instead of garbage. RECYCLING Inside your blue box Every second week. * Put garbage and recyclables out before 8 AM on collection day. Household Plastic containers Includes milk jugs, yoghurt containers, detergent bottles. Excludes containers made of foam, plastic containers which held ammonia-based products, or metal bottle lids. Rinse to remove food or residue. Leave labels on, flatten or stack plastic containers to reduce space required. Glass containers Leave labels on. Rinse. Discard caps. No other types of glass such as kitchenware, drinking glasses, window glass, light bulbs, mirrors or any broken glass. Metals Food and beverage containers. Cans rinse and remove labels, flatten and fold together. Foil trays rinse, flatten and fold together. No metal pots, take out container lids, cigarette wrappings. Beside your blue box YELLOW BAG Household paper junk mail, envelopes, brochures, paper bags, egg cartons (fibre only); box packaging such as cereal, shoe boxes, paper towel cores, white and coloured office paper, telephone books. Remove liners, flatten packaging and place inside bag. Mo drinking boxes, paper towels or waxed paper. BLUE BAG Newspapers, inserts, sales flyers, magazines and catalogues. Remove magazine covers, perfumed inserts. Ho books or soiled newspapers. TEXTILES, CLOTHING AND LINENS Race clean textiles in a separate plastic shopping bag tied with string. CARDBOARD Packing boxes, liquor boxes. Flatten bundles and tie no larger than 30 x 30 x 8. Place beside blue box. No waxed or coated boxes, soiled pizza boxes. | Should I remove labels from food cans? | e |
id_4175 | NO-WASTE RECYCLING GUIDE No-Waste is a goal and a process that involves individuals, communities, businesses and all levels of government. It leads to a future where trash is a thing of the past. Solid waste isnt hidden or buried in landfills but fully utilised as the valuable resource that it is. Through redesign, reduction, reuse, repair, recycling, composting and changes in attitude, we aim to create opportunity and wealth instead of garbage. RECYCLING Inside your blue box Every second week. * Put garbage and recyclables out before 8 AM on collection day. Household Plastic containers Includes milk jugs, yoghurt containers, detergent bottles. Excludes containers made of foam, plastic containers which held ammonia-based products, or metal bottle lids. Rinse to remove food or residue. Leave labels on, flatten or stack plastic containers to reduce space required. Glass containers Leave labels on. Rinse. Discard caps. No other types of glass such as kitchenware, drinking glasses, window glass, light bulbs, mirrors or any broken glass. Metals Food and beverage containers. Cans rinse and remove labels, flatten and fold together. Foil trays rinse, flatten and fold together. No metal pots, take out container lids, cigarette wrappings. Beside your blue box YELLOW BAG Household paper junk mail, envelopes, brochures, paper bags, egg cartons (fibre only); box packaging such as cereal, shoe boxes, paper towel cores, white and coloured office paper, telephone books. Remove liners, flatten packaging and place inside bag. Mo drinking boxes, paper towels or waxed paper. BLUE BAG Newspapers, inserts, sales flyers, magazines and catalogues. Remove magazine covers, perfumed inserts. Ho books or soiled newspapers. TEXTILES, CLOTHING AND LINENS Race clean textiles in a separate plastic shopping bag tied with string. CARDBOARD Packing boxes, liquor boxes. Flatten bundles and tie no larger than 30 x 30 x 8. Place beside blue box. No waxed or coated boxes, soiled pizza boxes. | Can I recycle a broken window? | c |
id_4176 | NO-WASTE RECYCLING GUIDE No-Waste is a goal and a process that involves individuals, communities, businesses and all levels of government. It leads to a future where trash is a thing of the past. Solid waste isnt hidden or buried in landfills but fully utilised as the valuable resource that it is. Through redesign, reduction, reuse, repair, recycling, composting and changes in attitude, we aim to create opportunity and wealth instead of garbage. RECYCLING Inside your blue box Every second week. * Put garbage and recyclables out before 8 AM on collection day. Household Plastic containers Includes milk jugs, yoghurt containers, detergent bottles. Excludes containers made of foam, plastic containers which held ammonia-based products, or metal bottle lids. Rinse to remove food or residue. Leave labels on, flatten or stack plastic containers to reduce space required. Glass containers Leave labels on. Rinse. Discard caps. No other types of glass such as kitchenware, drinking glasses, window glass, light bulbs, mirrors or any broken glass. Metals Food and beverage containers. Cans rinse and remove labels, flatten and fold together. Foil trays rinse, flatten and fold together. No metal pots, take out container lids, cigarette wrappings. Beside your blue box YELLOW BAG Household paper junk mail, envelopes, brochures, paper bags, egg cartons (fibre only); box packaging such as cereal, shoe boxes, paper towel cores, white and coloured office paper, telephone books. Remove liners, flatten packaging and place inside bag. Mo drinking boxes, paper towels or waxed paper. BLUE BAG Newspapers, inserts, sales flyers, magazines and catalogues. Remove magazine covers, perfumed inserts. Ho books or soiled newspapers. TEXTILES, CLOTHING AND LINENS Race clean textiles in a separate plastic shopping bag tied with string. CARDBOARD Packing boxes, liquor boxes. Flatten bundles and tie no larger than 30 x 30 x 8. Place beside blue box. No waxed or coated boxes, soiled pizza boxes. | Is there a separate collection for large household items? | n |
id_4177 | NO-WASTE RECYCLING GUIDE No-Waste is a goal and a process that involves individuals, communities, businesses and all levels of government. It leads to a future where trash is a thing of the past. Solid waste isnt hidden or buried in landfills but fully utilised as the valuable resource that it is. Through redesign, reduction, reuse, repair, recycling, composting and changes in attitude, we aim to create opportunity and wealth instead of garbage. RECYCLING Inside your blue box Every second week. * Put garbage and recyclables out before 8 AM on collection day. Household Plastic containers Includes milk jugs, yoghurt containers, detergent bottles. Excludes containers made of foam, plastic containers which held ammonia-based products, or metal bottle lids. Rinse to remove food or residue. Leave labels on, flatten or stack plastic containers to reduce space required. Glass containers Leave labels on. Rinse. Discard caps. No other types of glass such as kitchenware, drinking glasses, window glass, light bulbs, mirrors or any broken glass. Metals Food and beverage containers. Cans rinse and remove labels, flatten and fold together. Foil trays rinse, flatten and fold together. No metal pots, take out container lids, cigarette wrappings. Beside your blue box YELLOW BAG Household paper junk mail, envelopes, brochures, paper bags, egg cartons (fibre only); box packaging such as cereal, shoe boxes, paper towel cores, white and coloured office paper, telephone books. Remove liners, flatten packaging and place inside bag. Mo drinking boxes, paper towels or waxed paper. BLUE BAG Newspapers, inserts, sales flyers, magazines and catalogues. Remove magazine covers, perfumed inserts. Ho books or soiled newspapers. TEXTILES, CLOTHING AND LINENS Race clean textiles in a separate plastic shopping bag tied with string. CARDBOARD Packing boxes, liquor boxes. Flatten bundles and tie no larger than 30 x 30 x 8. Place beside blue box. No waxed or coated boxes, soiled pizza boxes. | Do I put out items for recycling every other week? | e |
id_4178 | National Parks and Climate Change A National parks nature reserves, protected areas and sites of special scientific interest (SSSIs) are an important part of the natural landscape in most countries. Their habitat and terrains vary massively from tundra and glacier parks in the north to wetlands in Europe, steppes in central and Eastern Europe, and prairie grasslands and deserts in other areas virtually all kinds of landscape are protected somewhere. And these protected areas are important for the variety of plant and animal life they harbour: caribou, bears, wolves, rare types of fish and birds. B But these areas are under threat from a recent peril global climate change. No amount of legislation in any one country can protect against a worldwide problem. What exactly are the problems caused by climate change? David Woodward, head of the British Council for Nature Conservation, spoke to Science Now about some of these areas, and his first point highlighted the enormous variation in nature reserves C Each park or reserve is an ecosystem, he says, and the larger reserves, such as those in Canada, may have several types of ecological subsystems within it. There are reserves which are half the size of Western Europe, so it doesnt make sense to talk about them as if they were all the same or as if the microclimates within them were uniform, Woodward outlines some of the dangers posed by climatic change to parks in the northern Americas, for example. D If climatic change is severe, and in particular if the change is happening as quickly as it is at the moment, then the boundaries of the park no longer make much sense. A park that was designated as a protected area 90 years ago may suffer such change in its climate that the nature of it changes too. It will no longer contain the animal and plant life that it did. So the area which once protected, say. A species of reindeer or a type of scenery, will have changed. In effect, you lose the thing you were trying to protect. This effect has already been seen in Canada, where parks which once contained glaciers have seen the glaciers melted by global warming. E Jennie Lindstrom, Chief Executive Officer of H2O, the charity which campaigns on an international level on behalf of mainland Europes protected wetland and wilderness areas, is even more pessimistic. In a letter to Science Now, she has asserted that up to 70% of such areas are already experiencing such significant change. In climate that the distribution patterns of flora and fauna are changing, and that all areas will eventually be affected. She estimates that the most profound change is occurring in the northernmost parks in areas such as Finland, Greenland, Iceland and northern Russia but adds that there is no place which will not suffer the effects of global warming What we are seeing is a massive change in the environment and that means the extinction of whole species, as well as visual and structural changes which means that areas like the Camargue may literally look totally different in 50 or 60 years time. F The problems are manifold. First, it is difficult or impossible to predict which areas are most in need of help that is, which areas are in most danger. Predicting climate change is even more unreliable than predicting the weather. Secondly, there is a sense that governments in most areas are apathetic towards a problem which may not manifest itself until long after that governments term of office has come to an end in poor areas, of course, nature conservation is low on the list of priorities compared to, say employment or health. Third, and perhaps most important, even in areas where there is both the political will and the financial muscle to do something about the problem, it is hard to know just what to do. Maria Colehill of Forestlife, an American conservation body, thinks that in the case of climate change, the most we can realistically do is monitor the situation and allow for the changes that we cannot prevent, while lobbying governments internationally to make the changes to the pollution laws, for example, that will enable us to deal with the causes of the problem. I am despondent. she admits. I have no doubt that a lot of the work we are doing on behalf of the North American lynx, for example, will be wasted The animal itself can live in virtually any environment where there are few humans, but of course its numbers are small. If climate change affects the other animal life in the areas where it now lives, if the food chain changes, then the lynx will be affected too. Less food for the lynx means fewer lynxes, or lynxes with nowhere to go. G Certainly, climate change is not going to go away overnight. It is estimated that fossil fuels burnt in the 1950s will still be affecting our climate in another 30 years, so the charges will continue for some time after that If we want to protect the remnants of our wild landscapes for future generations, the impetus for change must come from the governments of the world. | Every country has protected areas or national parks. | c |
id_4179 | National Parks and Climate Change A National parks nature reserves, protected areas and sites of special scientific interest (SSSIs) are an important part of the natural landscape in most countries. Their habitat and terrains vary massively from tundra and glacier parks in the north to wetlands in Europe, steppes in central and Eastern Europe, and prairie grasslands and deserts in other areas virtually all kinds of landscape are protected somewhere. And these protected areas are important for the variety of plant and animal life they harbour: caribou, bears, wolves, rare types of fish and birds. B But these areas are under threat from a recent peril global climate change. No amount of legislation in any one country can protect against a worldwide problem. What exactly are the problems caused by climate change? David Woodward, head of the British Council for Nature Conservation, spoke to Science Now about some of these areas, and his first point highlighted the enormous variation in nature reserves C Each park or reserve is an ecosystem, he says, and the larger reserves, such as those in Canada, may have several types of ecological subsystems within it. There are reserves which are half the size of Western Europe, so it doesnt make sense to talk about them as if they were all the same or as if the microclimates within them were uniform, Woodward outlines some of the dangers posed by climatic change to parks in the northern Americas, for example. D If climatic change is severe, and in particular if the change is happening as quickly as it is at the moment, then the boundaries of the park no longer make much sense. A park that was designated as a protected area 90 years ago may suffer such change in its climate that the nature of it changes too. It will no longer contain the animal and plant life that it did. So the area which once protected, say. A species of reindeer or a type of scenery, will have changed. In effect, you lose the thing you were trying to protect. This effect has already been seen in Canada, where parks which once contained glaciers have seen the glaciers melted by global warming. E Jennie Lindstrom, Chief Executive Officer of H2O, the charity which campaigns on an international level on behalf of mainland Europes protected wetland and wilderness areas, is even more pessimistic. In a letter to Science Now, she has asserted that up to 70% of such areas are already experiencing such significant change. In climate that the distribution patterns of flora and fauna are changing, and that all areas will eventually be affected. She estimates that the most profound change is occurring in the northernmost parks in areas such as Finland, Greenland, Iceland and northern Russia but adds that there is no place which will not suffer the effects of global warming What we are seeing is a massive change in the environment and that means the extinction of whole species, as well as visual and structural changes which means that areas like the Camargue may literally look totally different in 50 or 60 years time. F The problems are manifold. First, it is difficult or impossible to predict which areas are most in need of help that is, which areas are in most danger. Predicting climate change is even more unreliable than predicting the weather. Secondly, there is a sense that governments in most areas are apathetic towards a problem which may not manifest itself until long after that governments term of office has come to an end in poor areas, of course, nature conservation is low on the list of priorities compared to, say employment or health. Third, and perhaps most important, even in areas where there is both the political will and the financial muscle to do something about the problem, it is hard to know just what to do. Maria Colehill of Forestlife, an American conservation body, thinks that in the case of climate change, the most we can realistically do is monitor the situation and allow for the changes that we cannot prevent, while lobbying governments internationally to make the changes to the pollution laws, for example, that will enable us to deal with the causes of the problem. I am despondent. she admits. I have no doubt that a lot of the work we are doing on behalf of the North American lynx, for example, will be wasted The animal itself can live in virtually any environment where there are few humans, but of course its numbers are small. If climate change affects the other animal life in the areas where it now lives, if the food chain changes, then the lynx will be affected too. Less food for the lynx means fewer lynxes, or lynxes with nowhere to go. G Certainly, climate change is not going to go away overnight. It is estimated that fossil fuels burnt in the 1950s will still be affecting our climate in another 30 years, so the charges will continue for some time after that If we want to protect the remnants of our wild landscapes for future generations, the impetus for change must come from the governments of the world. | Countries can protect their parks by changing their laws. | c |
id_4180 | National Parks and Climate Change A National parks nature reserves, protected areas and sites of special scientific interest (SSSIs) are an important part of the natural landscape in most countries. Their habitat and terrains vary massively from tundra and glacier parks in the north to wetlands in Europe, steppes in central and Eastern Europe, and prairie grasslands and deserts in other areas virtually all kinds of landscape are protected somewhere. And these protected areas are important for the variety of plant and animal life they harbour: caribou, bears, wolves, rare types of fish and birds. B But these areas are under threat from a recent peril global climate change. No amount of legislation in any one country can protect against a worldwide problem. What exactly are the problems caused by climate change? David Woodward, head of the British Council for Nature Conservation, spoke to Science Now about some of these areas, and his first point highlighted the enormous variation in nature reserves C Each park or reserve is an ecosystem, he says, and the larger reserves, such as those in Canada, may have several types of ecological subsystems within it. There are reserves which are half the size of Western Europe, so it doesnt make sense to talk about them as if they were all the same or as if the microclimates within them were uniform, Woodward outlines some of the dangers posed by climatic change to parks in the northern Americas, for example. D If climatic change is severe, and in particular if the change is happening as quickly as it is at the moment, then the boundaries of the park no longer make much sense. A park that was designated as a protected area 90 years ago may suffer such change in its climate that the nature of it changes too. It will no longer contain the animal and plant life that it did. So the area which once protected, say. A species of reindeer or a type of scenery, will have changed. In effect, you lose the thing you were trying to protect. This effect has already been seen in Canada, where parks which once contained glaciers have seen the glaciers melted by global warming. E Jennie Lindstrom, Chief Executive Officer of H2O, the charity which campaigns on an international level on behalf of mainland Europes protected wetland and wilderness areas, is even more pessimistic. In a letter to Science Now, she has asserted that up to 70% of such areas are already experiencing such significant change. In climate that the distribution patterns of flora and fauna are changing, and that all areas will eventually be affected. She estimates that the most profound change is occurring in the northernmost parks in areas such as Finland, Greenland, Iceland and northern Russia but adds that there is no place which will not suffer the effects of global warming What we are seeing is a massive change in the environment and that means the extinction of whole species, as well as visual and structural changes which means that areas like the Camargue may literally look totally different in 50 or 60 years time. F The problems are manifold. First, it is difficult or impossible to predict which areas are most in need of help that is, which areas are in most danger. Predicting climate change is even more unreliable than predicting the weather. Secondly, there is a sense that governments in most areas are apathetic towards a problem which may not manifest itself until long after that governments term of office has come to an end in poor areas, of course, nature conservation is low on the list of priorities compared to, say employment or health. Third, and perhaps most important, even in areas where there is both the political will and the financial muscle to do something about the problem, it is hard to know just what to do. Maria Colehill of Forestlife, an American conservation body, thinks that in the case of climate change, the most we can realistically do is monitor the situation and allow for the changes that we cannot prevent, while lobbying governments internationally to make the changes to the pollution laws, for example, that will enable us to deal with the causes of the problem. I am despondent. she admits. I have no doubt that a lot of the work we are doing on behalf of the North American lynx, for example, will be wasted The animal itself can live in virtually any environment where there are few humans, but of course its numbers are small. If climate change affects the other animal life in the areas where it now lives, if the food chain changes, then the lynx will be affected too. Less food for the lynx means fewer lynxes, or lynxes with nowhere to go. G Certainly, climate change is not going to go away overnight. It is estimated that fossil fuels burnt in the 1950s will still be affecting our climate in another 30 years, so the charges will continue for some time after that If we want to protect the remnants of our wild landscapes for future generations, the impetus for change must come from the governments of the world. | David Woodward thinks that Canadian parks will all be different in 90 years. | n |
id_4181 | National Parks and Climate Change A National parks nature reserves, protected areas and sites of special scientific interest (SSSIs) are an important part of the natural landscape in most countries. Their habitat and terrains vary massively from tundra and glacier parks in the north to wetlands in Europe, steppes in central and Eastern Europe, and prairie grasslands and deserts in other areas virtually all kinds of landscape are protected somewhere. And these protected areas are important for the variety of plant and animal life they harbour: caribou, bears, wolves, rare types of fish and birds. B But these areas are under threat from a recent peril global climate change. No amount of legislation in any one country can protect against a worldwide problem. What exactly are the problems caused by climate change? David Woodward, head of the British Council for Nature Conservation, spoke to Science Now about some of these areas, and his first point highlighted the enormous variation in nature reserves C Each park or reserve is an ecosystem, he says, and the larger reserves, such as those in Canada, may have several types of ecological subsystems within it. There are reserves which are half the size of Western Europe, so it doesnt make sense to talk about them as if they were all the same or as if the microclimates within them were uniform, Woodward outlines some of the dangers posed by climatic change to parks in the northern Americas, for example. D If climatic change is severe, and in particular if the change is happening as quickly as it is at the moment, then the boundaries of the park no longer make much sense. A park that was designated as a protected area 90 years ago may suffer such change in its climate that the nature of it changes too. It will no longer contain the animal and plant life that it did. So the area which once protected, say. A species of reindeer or a type of scenery, will have changed. In effect, you lose the thing you were trying to protect. This effect has already been seen in Canada, where parks which once contained glaciers have seen the glaciers melted by global warming. E Jennie Lindstrom, Chief Executive Officer of H2O, the charity which campaigns on an international level on behalf of mainland Europes protected wetland and wilderness areas, is even more pessimistic. In a letter to Science Now, she has asserted that up to 70% of such areas are already experiencing such significant change. In climate that the distribution patterns of flora and fauna are changing, and that all areas will eventually be affected. She estimates that the most profound change is occurring in the northernmost parks in areas such as Finland, Greenland, Iceland and northern Russia but adds that there is no place which will not suffer the effects of global warming What we are seeing is a massive change in the environment and that means the extinction of whole species, as well as visual and structural changes which means that areas like the Camargue may literally look totally different in 50 or 60 years time. F The problems are manifold. First, it is difficult or impossible to predict which areas are most in need of help that is, which areas are in most danger. Predicting climate change is even more unreliable than predicting the weather. Secondly, there is a sense that governments in most areas are apathetic towards a problem which may not manifest itself until long after that governments term of office has come to an end in poor areas, of course, nature conservation is low on the list of priorities compared to, say employment or health. Third, and perhaps most important, even in areas where there is both the political will and the financial muscle to do something about the problem, it is hard to know just what to do. Maria Colehill of Forestlife, an American conservation body, thinks that in the case of climate change, the most we can realistically do is monitor the situation and allow for the changes that we cannot prevent, while lobbying governments internationally to make the changes to the pollution laws, for example, that will enable us to deal with the causes of the problem. I am despondent. she admits. I have no doubt that a lot of the work we are doing on behalf of the North American lynx, for example, will be wasted The animal itself can live in virtually any environment where there are few humans, but of course its numbers are small. If climate change affects the other animal life in the areas where it now lives, if the food chain changes, then the lynx will be affected too. Less food for the lynx means fewer lynxes, or lynxes with nowhere to go. G Certainly, climate change is not going to go away overnight. It is estimated that fossil fuels burnt in the 1950s will still be affecting our climate in another 30 years, so the charges will continue for some time after that If we want to protect the remnants of our wild landscapes for future generations, the impetus for change must come from the governments of the world. | A protected area or park can contain many different ecosystems. | e |
id_4182 | National Parks and Climate Change A National parks nature reserves, protected areas and sites of special scientific interest (SSSIs) are an important part of the natural landscape in most countries. Their habitat and terrains vary massively from tundra and glacier parks in the north to wetlands in Europe, steppes in central and Eastern Europe, and prairie grasslands and deserts in other areas virtually all kinds of landscape are protected somewhere. And these protected areas are important for the variety of plant and animal life they harbour: caribou, bears, wolves, rare types of fish and birds. B But these areas are under threat from a recent peril global climate change. No amount of legislation in any one country can protect against a worldwide problem. What exactly are the problems caused by climate change? David Woodward, head of the British Council for Nature Conservation, spoke to Science Now about some of these areas, and his first point highlighted the enormous variation in nature reserves C Each park or reserve is an ecosystem, he says, and the larger reserves, such as those in Canada, may have several types of ecological subsystems within it. There are reserves which are half the size of Western Europe, so it doesnt make sense to talk about them as if they were all the same or as if the microclimates within them were uniform, Woodward outlines some of the dangers posed by climatic change to parks in the northern Americas, for example. D If climatic change is severe, and in particular if the change is happening as quickly as it is at the moment, then the boundaries of the park no longer make much sense. A park that was designated as a protected area 90 years ago may suffer such change in its climate that the nature of it changes too. It will no longer contain the animal and plant life that it did. So the area which once protected, say. A species of reindeer or a type of scenery, will have changed. In effect, you lose the thing you were trying to protect. This effect has already been seen in Canada, where parks which once contained glaciers have seen the glaciers melted by global warming. E Jennie Lindstrom, Chief Executive Officer of H2O, the charity which campaigns on an international level on behalf of mainland Europes protected wetland and wilderness areas, is even more pessimistic. In a letter to Science Now, she has asserted that up to 70% of such areas are already experiencing such significant change. In climate that the distribution patterns of flora and fauna are changing, and that all areas will eventually be affected. She estimates that the most profound change is occurring in the northernmost parks in areas such as Finland, Greenland, Iceland and northern Russia but adds that there is no place which will not suffer the effects of global warming What we are seeing is a massive change in the environment and that means the extinction of whole species, as well as visual and structural changes which means that areas like the Camargue may literally look totally different in 50 or 60 years time. F The problems are manifold. First, it is difficult or impossible to predict which areas are most in need of help that is, which areas are in most danger. Predicting climate change is even more unreliable than predicting the weather. Secondly, there is a sense that governments in most areas are apathetic towards a problem which may not manifest itself until long after that governments term of office has come to an end in poor areas, of course, nature conservation is low on the list of priorities compared to, say employment or health. Third, and perhaps most important, even in areas where there is both the political will and the financial muscle to do something about the problem, it is hard to know just what to do. Maria Colehill of Forestlife, an American conservation body, thinks that in the case of climate change, the most we can realistically do is monitor the situation and allow for the changes that we cannot prevent, while lobbying governments internationally to make the changes to the pollution laws, for example, that will enable us to deal with the causes of the problem. I am despondent. she admits. I have no doubt that a lot of the work we are doing on behalf of the North American lynx, for example, will be wasted The animal itself can live in virtually any environment where there are few humans, but of course its numbers are small. If climate change affects the other animal life in the areas where it now lives, if the food chain changes, then the lynx will be affected too. Less food for the lynx means fewer lynxes, or lynxes with nowhere to go. G Certainly, climate change is not going to go away overnight. It is estimated that fossil fuels burnt in the 1950s will still be affecting our climate in another 30 years, so the charges will continue for some time after that If we want to protect the remnants of our wild landscapes for future generations, the impetus for change must come from the governments of the world. | Some parts of the world will feel the results of global warming more than others. | e |
id_4183 | National Parks and Climate Change A National parks nature reserves, protected areas and sites of special scientific interest (SSSIs) are an important part of the natural landscape in most countries. Their habitat and terrains vary massively from tundra and glacier parks in the north to wetlands in Europe, steppes in central and Eastern Europe, and prairie grasslands and deserts in other areas virtually all kinds of landscape are protected somewhere. And these protected areas are important for the variety of plant and animal life they harbour: caribou, bears, wolves, rare types of fish and birds. B But these areas are under threat from a recent peril global climate change. No amount of legislation in any one country can protect against a worldwide problem. What exactly are the problems caused by climate change? David Woodward, head of the British Council for Nature Conservation, spoke to Science Now about some of these areas, and his first point highlighted the enormous variation in nature reserves C Each park or reserve is an ecosystem, he says, and the larger reserves, such as those in Canada, may have several types of ecological subsystems within it. There are reserves which are half the size of Western Europe, so it doesnt make sense to talk about them as if they were all the same or as if the microclimates within them were uniform, Woodward outlines some of the dangers posed by climatic change to parks in the northern Americas, for example. D If climatic change is severe, and in particular if the change is happening as quickly as it is at the moment, then the boundaries of the park no longer make much sense. A park that was designated as a protected area 90 years ago may suffer such change in its climate that the nature of it changes too. It will no longer contain the animal and plant life that it did. So the area which once protected, say. A species of reindeer or a type of scenery, will have changed. In effect, you lose the thing you were trying to protect. This effect has already been seen in Canada, where parks which once contained glaciers have seen the glaciers melted by global warming. E Jennie Lindstrom, Chief Executive Officer of H2O, the charity which campaigns on an international level on behalf of mainland Europes protected wetland and wilderness areas, is even more pessimistic. In a letter to Science Now, she has asserted that up to 70% of such areas are already experiencing such significant change. In climate that the distribution patterns of flora and fauna are changing, and that all areas will eventually be affected. She estimates that the most profound change is occurring in the northernmost parks in areas such as Finland, Greenland, Iceland and northern Russia but adds that there is no place which will not suffer the effects of global warming What we are seeing is a massive change in the environment and that means the extinction of whole species, as well as visual and structural changes which means that areas like the Camargue may literally look totally different in 50 or 60 years time. F The problems are manifold. First, it is difficult or impossible to predict which areas are most in need of help that is, which areas are in most danger. Predicting climate change is even more unreliable than predicting the weather. Secondly, there is a sense that governments in most areas are apathetic towards a problem which may not manifest itself until long after that governments term of office has come to an end in poor areas, of course, nature conservation is low on the list of priorities compared to, say employment or health. Third, and perhaps most important, even in areas where there is both the political will and the financial muscle to do something about the problem, it is hard to know just what to do. Maria Colehill of Forestlife, an American conservation body, thinks that in the case of climate change, the most we can realistically do is monitor the situation and allow for the changes that we cannot prevent, while lobbying governments internationally to make the changes to the pollution laws, for example, that will enable us to deal with the causes of the problem. I am despondent. she admits. I have no doubt that a lot of the work we are doing on behalf of the North American lynx, for example, will be wasted The animal itself can live in virtually any environment where there are few humans, but of course its numbers are small. If climate change affects the other animal life in the areas where it now lives, if the food chain changes, then the lynx will be affected too. Less food for the lynx means fewer lynxes, or lynxes with nowhere to go. G Certainly, climate change is not going to go away overnight. It is estimated that fossil fuels burnt in the 1950s will still be affecting our climate in another 30 years, so the charges will continue for some time after that If we want to protect the remnants of our wild landscapes for future generations, the impetus for change must come from the governments of the world. | Canada, more than any other country, has felt the effects of global warming. | n |
id_4184 | National Parks and Climate Change A National parks nature reserves, protected areas and sites of special scientific interest (SSSIs) are an important part of the natural landscape in most countries. Their habitat and terrains vary massively from tundra and glacier parks in the north to wetlands in Europe, steppes in central and Eastern Europe, and prairie grasslands and deserts in other areas virtually all kinds of landscape are protected somewhere. And these protected areas are important for the variety of plant and animal life they harbour: caribou, bears, wolves, rare types of fish and birds. B But these areas are under threat from a recent peril global climate change. No amount of legislation in any one country can protect against a worldwide problem. What exactly are the problems caused by climate change? David Woodward, head of the British Council for Nature Conservation, spoke to Science Now about some of these areas, and his first point highlighted the enormous variation in nature reserves C Each park or reserve is an ecosystem, he says, and the larger reserves, such as those in Canada, may have several types of ecological subsystems within it. There are reserves which are half the size of Western Europe, so it doesnt make sense to talk about them as if they were all the same or as if the microclimates within them were uniform, Woodward outlines some of the dangers posed by climatic change to parks in the northern Americas, for example. D If climatic change is severe, and in particular if the change is happening as quickly as it is at the moment, then the boundaries of the park no longer make much sense. A park that was designated as a protected area 90 years ago may suffer such change in its climate that the nature of it changes too. It will no longer contain the animal and plant life that it did. So the area which once protected, say. A species of reindeer or a type of scenery, will have changed. In effect, you lose the thing you were trying to protect. This effect has already been seen in Canada, where parks which once contained glaciers have seen the glaciers melted by global warming. E Jennie Lindstrom, Chief Executive Officer of H2O, the charity which campaigns on an international level on behalf of mainland Europes protected wetland and wilderness areas, is even more pessimistic. In a letter to Science Now, she has asserted that up to 70% of such areas are already experiencing such significant change. In climate that the distribution patterns of flora and fauna are changing, and that all areas will eventually be affected. She estimates that the most profound change is occurring in the northernmost parks in areas such as Finland, Greenland, Iceland and northern Russia but adds that there is no place which will not suffer the effects of global warming What we are seeing is a massive change in the environment and that means the extinction of whole species, as well as visual and structural changes which means that areas like the Camargue may literally look totally different in 50 or 60 years time. F The problems are manifold. First, it is difficult or impossible to predict which areas are most in need of help that is, which areas are in most danger. Predicting climate change is even more unreliable than predicting the weather. Secondly, there is a sense that governments in most areas are apathetic towards a problem which may not manifest itself until long after that governments term of office has come to an end in poor areas, of course, nature conservation is low on the list of priorities compared to, say employment or health. Third, and perhaps most important, even in areas where there is both the political will and the financial muscle to do something about the problem, it is hard to know just what to do. Maria Colehill of Forestlife, an American conservation body, thinks that in the case of climate change, the most we can realistically do is monitor the situation and allow for the changes that we cannot prevent, while lobbying governments internationally to make the changes to the pollution laws, for example, that will enable us to deal with the causes of the problem. I am despondent. she admits. I have no doubt that a lot of the work we are doing on behalf of the North American lynx, for example, will be wasted The animal itself can live in virtually any environment where there are few humans, but of course its numbers are small. If climate change affects the other animal life in the areas where it now lives, if the food chain changes, then the lynx will be affected too. Less food for the lynx means fewer lynxes, or lynxes with nowhere to go. G Certainly, climate change is not going to go away overnight. It is estimated that fossil fuels burnt in the 1950s will still be affecting our climate in another 30 years, so the charges will continue for some time after that If we want to protect the remnants of our wild landscapes for future generations, the impetus for change must come from the governments of the world. | H2O works to protect wetlands everywhere. | c |
id_4185 | Natural Pesticide In India A dramatic story about cotton farmers in India shows how destructive pesticides can be for people and the environment; and why todays agriculture is so dependent on pesticides. This story also shows that its possible to stop using chemical pesticides without losing a crop to ravaging insects, and it explains how to do it. The story began about 30 years ago, a handful of families migrated from the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh, southeast India, into Punukula, a community of around 900 people farming plots of between two and 10 acres. The outsiders from Guntur brought cotton-culture with them. Cotton wooed farmers by promising to bring in more hard cash than the mixed crops they were already growing to eat and sell: millet, sorghum, groundnuts, pigeon peas, mung beans, chili, and rice. But raising cotton meant using pesticides and fertilizers until then a mystery to the mostly illiterate farmers of the community. When cotton production started spreading through Andhra Pradesh state. The high value of cotton made it an exceptionally attractive crop, but growing cotton required chemical fertilizers and pesticides. As most of the farmers were poor, illiterate, and without previous experience using agricultural chemicals, they were forced to rely on local, small-scale agricultural dealers for advice. The dealers sold them seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides on credit and also guaranteed the purchase of their crops. The dealers themselves had little technical knowledge about pesticides. They merely passed on promotional information from multinational chemical companies that supplied their products. At first, cotton yields were high, and expenses for pesticides were low because cotton pests had not yet moved in. The farmers had never earned so much! But within a few years, cotton pests like bollworms and aphids plagued the fields, and the farmers saw how rapid insect evolution can be. Repeated spraying killed off the weaker pests, but left the ones most resistant to pesticides to multiply. As pesticide resistance mounted, the farmers had to apply more and more of the pesticides to get the same results. At the same time, the pesticides killed off birds, wasps, beetles, spiders, and other predators that had once provided natural control of pest insects. Without these predators, the pests could destroy the entire crop if pesticides were not used. Eventually, farmers were mixing pesticide cocktails containing as many as ten different brands and sometimes having to spray their cotton as frequently as two times a week. They were really hooked! The villagers were hesitant, but one of Punukulas village elders decided to risk trying the natural methods instead of pesticides. His son had collapsed with acute pesticide poisoning and survived but the hospital bill was staggering. SECUREs staff coached this villager on how to protect his cotton crop by using a toolkit of natural methods that Indias Center for Sustainable Agriculture put together in collaboration with scientists at Andhra Pradeshs state university. They called the toolkit Non-Pesticide Management or NPM. The most important resource in the NPM toolkit was the neem tree (Azadirachta indica ) which is common throughout much of India. Neem tree is a broad-leaved evergreen tree related to mahogany. It protects itself against insects by producing a multitude of natural pesticides that work in a variety of ways: with an arsenal of chemical defences that repel egg-laying, interfere with insect growth, and most important, disrupt the ability of crop-eating insects to sense their food. In fact, neem has been used traditionally in India to protect stored grains from insects and to produce soaps, skin lotions, and other health products. To protect crops from insects, neem seeds are simply ground into a powder that is soaked overnight in water. The solution is then sprayed onto the crop. Another preparation, neem cake, can be mixed into the soil to kill pests and diseases in the soil, and it doubles as an organic fertilizer high in nitrogen. Neem trees grow locally, so the only cost is the labor to prepare neem for application to fields. The first farmers trial with NPM was a complete success! His harvest was as good as the harvests of farmers that were using pesticides, and he earned much more because he did not spend a single rupee on pesticides. Inspired by this success, 20 farmers tried NPM the next year. SECURE posted two well-trained staff in Punukula to teach and help everyone in the village, and the village women put pressure on their husbands to stop using toxic chemicals. Families that were no longer exposing themselves to pesticides began to feel much better, and the rapid improvements in income, health, and general wellbeing quickly sold everyone on the value of NPM. By 2000, all the farmers in Punukula were using NPM, not only for cotton but for their other crops as well. H. The suicide epidemic came to an end. And with the cash, health, and energy that returned when they stopped poisoning themselves with pesticides, the villagers were inspired to start more community and business projects. The women of Punukula created a new source of income by collecting, grinding, and selling neem seeds for NPM in other villages. The villagers rescued their indentured children and gave them special six-month catch-up courses to return to school. Fighting against pesticides, and winning, increased village solidarity, self-confidence, and optimism about the future. When dealers tried to punish NPM users by paying less for NPM cotton, the farmers united to form a marketing cooperative that found fairer prices elsewhere. The leadership and collaboration skills that the citizens of Punukula developed in the NPM struggle have helped them to take on other challenges, like water purification, building a cotton gin to add value to the cotton before they sell it, and convincing the state government to support NPM over the objection of multi-national pesticide corporations. | The yield of cotton is relatively tower than that of other agricultural crops. | n |
id_4186 | Natural Pesticide In India A dramatic story about cotton farmers in India shows how destructive pesticides can be for people and the environment; and why todays agriculture is so dependent on pesticides. This story also shows that its possible to stop using chemical pesticides without losing a crop to ravaging insects, and it explains how to do it. The story began about 30 years ago, a handful of families migrated from the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh, southeast India, into Punukula, a community of around 900 people farming plots of between two and 10 acres. The outsiders from Guntur brought cotton-culture with them. Cotton wooed farmers by promising to bring in more hard cash than the mixed crops they were already growing to eat and sell: millet, sorghum, groundnuts, pigeon peas, mung beans, chili, and rice. But raising cotton meant using pesticides and fertilizers until then a mystery to the mostly illiterate farmers of the community. When cotton production started spreading through Andhra Pradesh state. The high value of cotton made it an exceptionally attractive crop, but growing cotton required chemical fertilizers and pesticides. As most of the farmers were poor, illiterate, and without previous experience using agricultural chemicals, they were forced to rely on local, small-scale agricultural dealers for advice. The dealers sold them seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides on credit and also guaranteed the purchase of their crops. The dealers themselves had little technical knowledge about pesticides. They merely passed on promotional information from multinational chemical companies that supplied their products. At first, cotton yields were high, and expenses for pesticides were low because cotton pests had not yet moved in. The farmers had never earned so much! But within a few years, cotton pests like bollworms and aphids plagued the fields, and the farmers saw how rapid insect evolution can be. Repeated spraying killed off the weaker pests, but left the ones most resistant to pesticides to multiply. As pesticide resistance mounted, the farmers had to apply more and more of the pesticides to get the same results. At the same time, the pesticides killed off birds, wasps, beetles, spiders, and other predators that had once provided natural control of pest insects. Without these predators, the pests could destroy the entire crop if pesticides were not used. Eventually, farmers were mixing pesticide cocktails containing as many as ten different brands and sometimes having to spray their cotton as frequently as two times a week. They were really hooked! The villagers were hesitant, but one of Punukulas village elders decided to risk trying the natural methods instead of pesticides. His son had collapsed with acute pesticide poisoning and survived but the hospital bill was staggering. SECUREs staff coached this villager on how to protect his cotton crop by using a toolkit of natural methods that Indias Center for Sustainable Agriculture put together in collaboration with scientists at Andhra Pradeshs state university. They called the toolkit Non-Pesticide Management or NPM. The most important resource in the NPM toolkit was the neem tree (Azadirachta indica ) which is common throughout much of India. Neem tree is a broad-leaved evergreen tree related to mahogany. It protects itself against insects by producing a multitude of natural pesticides that work in a variety of ways: with an arsenal of chemical defences that repel egg-laying, interfere with insect growth, and most important, disrupt the ability of crop-eating insects to sense their food. In fact, neem has been used traditionally in India to protect stored grains from insects and to produce soaps, skin lotions, and other health products. To protect crops from insects, neem seeds are simply ground into a powder that is soaked overnight in water. The solution is then sprayed onto the crop. Another preparation, neem cake, can be mixed into the soil to kill pests and diseases in the soil, and it doubles as an organic fertilizer high in nitrogen. Neem trees grow locally, so the only cost is the labor to prepare neem for application to fields. The first farmers trial with NPM was a complete success! His harvest was as good as the harvests of farmers that were using pesticides, and he earned much more because he did not spend a single rupee on pesticides. Inspired by this success, 20 farmers tried NPM the next year. SECURE posted two well-trained staff in Punukula to teach and help everyone in the village, and the village women put pressure on their husbands to stop using toxic chemicals. Families that were no longer exposing themselves to pesticides began to feel much better, and the rapid improvements in income, health, and general wellbeing quickly sold everyone on the value of NPM. By 2000, all the farmers in Punukula were using NPM, not only for cotton but for their other crops as well. H. The suicide epidemic came to an end. And with the cash, health, and energy that returned when they stopped poisoning themselves with pesticides, the villagers were inspired to start more community and business projects. The women of Punukula created a new source of income by collecting, grinding, and selling neem seeds for NPM in other villages. The villagers rescued their indentured children and gave them special six-month catch-up courses to return to school. Fighting against pesticides, and winning, increased village solidarity, self-confidence, and optimism about the future. When dealers tried to punish NPM users by paying less for NPM cotton, the farmers united to form a marketing cooperative that found fairer prices elsewhere. The leadership and collaboration skills that the citizens of Punukula developed in the NPM struggle have helped them to take on other challenges, like water purification, building a cotton gin to add value to the cotton before they sell it, and convincing the state government to support NPM over the objection of multi-national pesticide corporations. | The majority of farmers had used agricultural pesticides before 30 years. | c |
id_4187 | Natural Pesticide In India A dramatic story about cotton farmers in India shows how destructive pesticides can be for people and the environment; and why todays agriculture is so dependent on pesticides. This story also shows that its possible to stop using chemical pesticides without losing a crop to ravaging insects, and it explains how to do it. The story began about 30 years ago, a handful of families migrated from the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh, southeast India, into Punukula, a community of around 900 people farming plots of between two and 10 acres. The outsiders from Guntur brought cotton-culture with them. Cotton wooed farmers by promising to bring in more hard cash than the mixed crops they were already growing to eat and sell: millet, sorghum, groundnuts, pigeon peas, mung beans, chili, and rice. But raising cotton meant using pesticides and fertilizers until then a mystery to the mostly illiterate farmers of the community. When cotton production started spreading through Andhra Pradesh state. The high value of cotton made it an exceptionally attractive crop, but growing cotton required chemical fertilizers and pesticides. As most of the farmers were poor, illiterate, and without previous experience using agricultural chemicals, they were forced to rely on local, small-scale agricultural dealers for advice. The dealers sold them seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides on credit and also guaranteed the purchase of their crops. The dealers themselves had little technical knowledge about pesticides. They merely passed on promotional information from multinational chemical companies that supplied their products. At first, cotton yields were high, and expenses for pesticides were low because cotton pests had not yet moved in. The farmers had never earned so much! But within a few years, cotton pests like bollworms and aphids plagued the fields, and the farmers saw how rapid insect evolution can be. Repeated spraying killed off the weaker pests, but left the ones most resistant to pesticides to multiply. As pesticide resistance mounted, the farmers had to apply more and more of the pesticides to get the same results. At the same time, the pesticides killed off birds, wasps, beetles, spiders, and other predators that had once provided natural control of pest insects. Without these predators, the pests could destroy the entire crop if pesticides were not used. Eventually, farmers were mixing pesticide cocktails containing as many as ten different brands and sometimes having to spray their cotton as frequently as two times a week. They were really hooked! The villagers were hesitant, but one of Punukulas village elders decided to risk trying the natural methods instead of pesticides. His son had collapsed with acute pesticide poisoning and survived but the hospital bill was staggering. SECUREs staff coached this villager on how to protect his cotton crop by using a toolkit of natural methods that Indias Center for Sustainable Agriculture put together in collaboration with scientists at Andhra Pradeshs state university. They called the toolkit Non-Pesticide Management or NPM. The most important resource in the NPM toolkit was the neem tree (Azadirachta indica ) which is common throughout much of India. Neem tree is a broad-leaved evergreen tree related to mahogany. It protects itself against insects by producing a multitude of natural pesticides that work in a variety of ways: with an arsenal of chemical defences that repel egg-laying, interfere with insect growth, and most important, disrupt the ability of crop-eating insects to sense their food. In fact, neem has been used traditionally in India to protect stored grains from insects and to produce soaps, skin lotions, and other health products. To protect crops from insects, neem seeds are simply ground into a powder that is soaked overnight in water. The solution is then sprayed onto the crop. Another preparation, neem cake, can be mixed into the soil to kill pests and diseases in the soil, and it doubles as an organic fertilizer high in nitrogen. Neem trees grow locally, so the only cost is the labor to prepare neem for application to fields. The first farmers trial with NPM was a complete success! His harvest was as good as the harvests of farmers that were using pesticides, and he earned much more because he did not spend a single rupee on pesticides. Inspired by this success, 20 farmers tried NPM the next year. SECURE posted two well-trained staff in Punukula to teach and help everyone in the village, and the village women put pressure on their husbands to stop using toxic chemicals. Families that were no longer exposing themselves to pesticides began to feel much better, and the rapid improvements in income, health, and general wellbeing quickly sold everyone on the value of NPM. By 2000, all the farmers in Punukula were using NPM, not only for cotton but for their other crops as well. H. The suicide epidemic came to an end. And with the cash, health, and energy that returned when they stopped poisoning themselves with pesticides, the villagers were inspired to start more community and business projects. The women of Punukula created a new source of income by collecting, grinding, and selling neem seeds for NPM in other villages. The villagers rescued their indentured children and gave them special six-month catch-up courses to return to school. Fighting against pesticides, and winning, increased village solidarity, self-confidence, and optimism about the future. When dealers tried to punish NPM users by paying less for NPM cotton, the farmers united to form a marketing cooperative that found fairer prices elsewhere. The leadership and collaboration skills that the citizens of Punukula developed in the NPM struggle have helped them to take on other challenges, like water purification, building a cotton gin to add value to the cotton before they sell it, and convincing the state government to support NPM over the objection of multi-national pesticide corporations. | Cotton in Andhra Pradesh state could really bring more income to the local farmers than traditional farming. | n |
id_4188 | Natural Pesticide In India A dramatic story about cotton farmers in India shows how destructive pesticides can be for people and the environment; and why todays agriculture is so dependent on pesticides. This story also shows that its possible to stop using chemical pesticides without losing a crop to ravaging insects, and it explains how to do it. The story began about 30 years ago, a handful of families migrated from the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh, southeast India, into Punukula, a community of around 900 people farming plots of between two and 10 acres. The outsiders from Guntur brought cotton-culture with them. Cotton wooed farmers by promising to bring in more hard cash than the mixed crops they were already growing to eat and sell: millet, sorghum, groundnuts, pigeon peas, mung beans, chili, and rice. But raising cotton meant using pesticides and fertilizers until then a mystery to the mostly illiterate farmers of the community. When cotton production started spreading through Andhra Pradesh state. The high value of cotton made it an exceptionally attractive crop, but growing cotton required chemical fertilizers and pesticides. As most of the farmers were poor, illiterate, and without previous experience using agricultural chemicals, they were forced to rely on local, small-scale agricultural dealers for advice. The dealers sold them seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides on credit and also guaranteed the purchase of their crops. The dealers themselves had little technical knowledge about pesticides. They merely passed on promotional information from multinational chemical companies that supplied their products. At first, cotton yields were high, and expenses for pesticides were low because cotton pests had not yet moved in. The farmers had never earned so much! But within a few years, cotton pests like bollworms and aphids plagued the fields, and the farmers saw how rapid insect evolution can be. Repeated spraying killed off the weaker pests, but left the ones most resistant to pesticides to multiply. As pesticide resistance mounted, the farmers had to apply more and more of the pesticides to get the same results. At the same time, the pesticides killed off birds, wasps, beetles, spiders, and other predators that had once provided natural control of pest insects. Without these predators, the pests could destroy the entire crop if pesticides were not used. Eventually, farmers were mixing pesticide cocktails containing as many as ten different brands and sometimes having to spray their cotton as frequently as two times a week. They were really hooked! The villagers were hesitant, but one of Punukulas village elders decided to risk trying the natural methods instead of pesticides. His son had collapsed with acute pesticide poisoning and survived but the hospital bill was staggering. SECUREs staff coached this villager on how to protect his cotton crop by using a toolkit of natural methods that Indias Center for Sustainable Agriculture put together in collaboration with scientists at Andhra Pradeshs state university. They called the toolkit Non-Pesticide Management or NPM. The most important resource in the NPM toolkit was the neem tree (Azadirachta indica ) which is common throughout much of India. Neem tree is a broad-leaved evergreen tree related to mahogany. It protects itself against insects by producing a multitude of natural pesticides that work in a variety of ways: with an arsenal of chemical defences that repel egg-laying, interfere with insect growth, and most important, disrupt the ability of crop-eating insects to sense their food. In fact, neem has been used traditionally in India to protect stored grains from insects and to produce soaps, skin lotions, and other health products. To protect crops from insects, neem seeds are simply ground into a powder that is soaked overnight in water. The solution is then sprayed onto the crop. Another preparation, neem cake, can be mixed into the soil to kill pests and diseases in the soil, and it doubles as an organic fertilizer high in nitrogen. Neem trees grow locally, so the only cost is the labor to prepare neem for application to fields. The first farmers trial with NPM was a complete success! His harvest was as good as the harvests of farmers that were using pesticides, and he earned much more because he did not spend a single rupee on pesticides. Inspired by this success, 20 farmers tried NPM the next year. SECURE posted two well-trained staff in Punukula to teach and help everyone in the village, and the village women put pressure on their husbands to stop using toxic chemicals. Families that were no longer exposing themselves to pesticides began to feel much better, and the rapid improvements in income, health, and general wellbeing quickly sold everyone on the value of NPM. By 2000, all the farmers in Punukula were using NPM, not only for cotton but for their other crops as well. H. The suicide epidemic came to an end. And with the cash, health, and energy that returned when they stopped poisoning themselves with pesticides, the villagers were inspired to start more community and business projects. The women of Punukula created a new source of income by collecting, grinding, and selling neem seeds for NPM in other villages. The villagers rescued their indentured children and gave them special six-month catch-up courses to return to school. Fighting against pesticides, and winning, increased village solidarity, self-confidence, and optimism about the future. When dealers tried to punish NPM users by paying less for NPM cotton, the farmers united to form a marketing cooperative that found fairer prices elsewhere. The leadership and collaboration skills that the citizens of Punukula developed in the NPM struggle have helped them to take on other challenges, like water purification, building a cotton gin to add value to the cotton before they sell it, and convincing the state government to support NPM over the objection of multi-national pesticide corporations. | The farmers didnt realize the spread of the pests was so fast. | e |
id_4189 | Nature on display in American zoos The first zoo in the United States opened in Philadelphia in 1874, followed by the Cincinnati Zoo the next year. By 1940 there were zoos in more than one hundred American cities. The Philadelphia Zoo was more thoroughly planned and better financed than most of the hundreds of zoos that would open later but in its landscape and its mission to both educate and entertain it embodied ideas about how to build a zoo that stayed consistent for decades. The zoos came into existence in the late nineteenth century during the transition of the United States from a rural and agricultural nation to an industrial one. The population more than doubled between 1860 and 1900. As more middle class people lived in cities, they began seeking new relationships with the natural world as a place for recreation, self-improvement, and Spiritual renewal. Cities established systems of public parks, and nature tourism already popular became even more fashionable with the establishment of national parks. Nature was thought to be good for people of all ages and classes. Nature study was incorporated into school curricula, and natural history collecting became an increasingly popular pastime. At the same time, the fields of study which were previously thought of as natural history grew into separate areas such as taxonomy, experimental embryology and genetics, each with its own experts and structures. As laboratory research gained prestige in the zoology departments of American universities, the gap between professional and amateur scientific activities widened. Previously, natural history had been open to amateurs and was easily popularized, but research required access to microscopes and other equipment in laboratories, as well as advanced education. The new zoos set themselves apart from traveling animal shows by stating their mission as education and the advancement of science, In addition to recreation. Zoos presented zoology for the non specialist, at a time when the intellectual distance between amateur naturalists and laboratory oriented zoologists was increasing. They attracted wide audiences and quickly became a feature of every growing and forward thinking city. They were emblems of civic pride on a level of importance with art museums, natural history museums and botanical gardens. Most American zoos were founded and operated as part of the public parks administration. They were dependent on municipal funds, and they charged no admission fee. They tended to assemble as many different mammal and bird species as possible, along with a few reptiles, exhibiting one or two specimens of each, and they competed with each other to become the first to display a rarity, like a rhinoceros. In the constant effort to attract the public to make return visits, certain types of display came in and out of fashion; for example, dozens of zoos built special Islands for their large populations of monkeys. In the 1930s, the Works Progress Administration funded millions of dollars of construction at dozens of zoos, for the most part, the collections of animals were organized by species in a combination of enclosures according to a fairly loose classification scheme. Although many histories of individual zoos describe the 1940s through the 1960s as a period of stagnation, and in some cases there was neglect, new zoos continued to be set up all over the country. In the 1940s and 1950s, the first zoos designed specifically for children were built, some with the appeal of farm animals. An increasing number of zoos tried new ways of organizing their displays. In addition to the traditional approach of exhibiting like kinds together, zoo planners had a new approach of putting animals in groups according to their continent of origin and designing exhibits showing animals of particular habitats, for example, polar, desert, or forest. During the 1960s, a few zoos arranged some displays according to animal behavior; the Bronx Zoo. for instance, opened its World of Darkness exhibit of nocturnal animals. Paradoxically, at the same time as zoo displays began incorporating ideas about the ecological relationships between animals, big cats and primates continued to be displayed in bathroom like cages lined with tiles. By the 1970s, a new wave of reform was stirring. Popular movements for environmentalism and animal welfare called attention to endangered species and to zoos that did not provide adequate care for their animals. More projects were undertaken by research scientists and zoos began hiring full-time vets as they stepped up captive breeding programs. Many zoos that had been supported entirely by municipal budgets began recruiting private financial support and charging admission fees. In the prosperous 1980s and 1990s. zoos built realistic landscape immersion exhibits, many of them around the theme of the tropical rainforest and. increasingly, conservation moved to the forefront of zoo agendas. Although zoos were popular and proliferating institutions in the United States at the turn of the twentieth century, historians have paid little attention to them. Perhaps zoos have been ignored because they were, and remain still, multi-purpose institutions, and as such they fall between the categories of analysis that historians often use. In addition, their stated goals of recreation, education, the advancement of science, and protection of endangered species have often conflicted. Zoos occupy a difficult middle ground between science and showmanship, high culture and low, remote forests and the cement cityscape, and wild animals and urban people. | There has been serious disagreement amongst historians about the role of the first zoos. | c |
id_4190 | Nature on display in American zoos The first zoo in the United States opened in Philadelphia in 1874, followed by the Cincinnati Zoo the next year. By 1940 there were zoos in more than one hundred American cities. The Philadelphia Zoo was more thoroughly planned and better financed than most of the hundreds of zoos that would open later but in its landscape and its mission to both educate and entertain it embodied ideas about how to build a zoo that stayed consistent for decades. The zoos came into existence in the late nineteenth century during the transition of the United States from a rural and agricultural nation to an industrial one. The population more than doubled between 1860 and 1900. As more middle class people lived in cities, they began seeking new relationships with the natural world as a place for recreation, self-improvement, and Spiritual renewal. Cities established systems of public parks, and nature tourism already popular became even more fashionable with the establishment of national parks. Nature was thought to be good for people of all ages and classes. Nature study was incorporated into school curricula, and natural history collecting became an increasingly popular pastime. At the same time, the fields of study which were previously thought of as natural history grew into separate areas such as taxonomy, experimental embryology and genetics, each with its own experts and structures. As laboratory research gained prestige in the zoology departments of American universities, the gap between professional and amateur scientific activities widened. Previously, natural history had been open to amateurs and was easily popularized, but research required access to microscopes and other equipment in laboratories, as well as advanced education. The new zoos set themselves apart from traveling animal shows by stating their mission as education and the advancement of science, In addition to recreation. Zoos presented zoology for the non specialist, at a time when the intellectual distance between amateur naturalists and laboratory oriented zoologists was increasing. They attracted wide audiences and quickly became a feature of every growing and forward thinking city. They were emblems of civic pride on a level of importance with art museums, natural history museums and botanical gardens. Most American zoos were founded and operated as part of the public parks administration. They were dependent on municipal funds, and they charged no admission fee. They tended to assemble as many different mammal and bird species as possible, along with a few reptiles, exhibiting one or two specimens of each, and they competed with each other to become the first to display a rarity, like a rhinoceros. In the constant effort to attract the public to make return visits, certain types of display came in and out of fashion; for example, dozens of zoos built special Islands for their large populations of monkeys. In the 1930s, the Works Progress Administration funded millions of dollars of construction at dozens of zoos, for the most part, the collections of animals were organized by species in a combination of enclosures according to a fairly loose classification scheme. Although many histories of individual zoos describe the 1940s through the 1960s as a period of stagnation, and in some cases there was neglect, new zoos continued to be set up all over the country. In the 1940s and 1950s, the first zoos designed specifically for children were built, some with the appeal of farm animals. An increasing number of zoos tried new ways of organizing their displays. In addition to the traditional approach of exhibiting like kinds together, zoo planners had a new approach of putting animals in groups according to their continent of origin and designing exhibits showing animals of particular habitats, for example, polar, desert, or forest. During the 1960s, a few zoos arranged some displays according to animal behavior; the Bronx Zoo. for instance, opened its World of Darkness exhibit of nocturnal animals. Paradoxically, at the same time as zoo displays began incorporating ideas about the ecological relationships between animals, big cats and primates continued to be displayed in bathroom like cages lined with tiles. By the 1970s, a new wave of reform was stirring. Popular movements for environmentalism and animal welfare called attention to endangered species and to zoos that did not provide adequate care for their animals. More projects were undertaken by research scientists and zoos began hiring full-time vets as they stepped up captive breeding programs. Many zoos that had been supported entirely by municipal budgets began recruiting private financial support and charging admission fees. In the prosperous 1980s and 1990s. zoos built realistic landscape immersion exhibits, many of them around the theme of the tropical rainforest and. increasingly, conservation moved to the forefront of zoo agendas. Although zoos were popular and proliferating institutions in the United States at the turn of the twentieth century, historians have paid little attention to them. Perhaps zoos have been ignored because they were, and remain still, multi-purpose institutions, and as such they fall between the categories of analysis that historians often use. In addition, their stated goals of recreation, education, the advancement of science, and protection of endangered species have often conflicted. Zoos occupy a difficult middle ground between science and showmanship, high culture and low, remote forests and the cement cityscape, and wild animals and urban people. | In the 1970s, new ways of funding zoos were developed. | e |
id_4191 | Nature on display in American zoos The first zoo in the United States opened in Philadelphia in 1874, followed by the Cincinnati Zoo the next year. By 1940 there were zoos in more than one hundred American cities. The Philadelphia Zoo was more thoroughly planned and better financed than most of the hundreds of zoos that would open later but in its landscape and its mission to both educate and entertain it embodied ideas about how to build a zoo that stayed consistent for decades. The zoos came into existence in the late nineteenth century during the transition of the United States from a rural and agricultural nation to an industrial one. The population more than doubled between 1860 and 1900. As more middle class people lived in cities, they began seeking new relationships with the natural world as a place for recreation, self-improvement, and Spiritual renewal. Cities established systems of public parks, and nature tourism already popular became even more fashionable with the establishment of national parks. Nature was thought to be good for people of all ages and classes. Nature study was incorporated into school curricula, and natural history collecting became an increasingly popular pastime. At the same time, the fields of study which were previously thought of as natural history grew into separate areas such as taxonomy, experimental embryology and genetics, each with its own experts and structures. As laboratory research gained prestige in the zoology departments of American universities, the gap between professional and amateur scientific activities widened. Previously, natural history had been open to amateurs and was easily popularized, but research required access to microscopes and other equipment in laboratories, as well as advanced education. The new zoos set themselves apart from traveling animal shows by stating their mission as education and the advancement of science, In addition to recreation. Zoos presented zoology for the non specialist, at a time when the intellectual distance between amateur naturalists and laboratory oriented zoologists was increasing. They attracted wide audiences and quickly became a feature of every growing and forward thinking city. They were emblems of civic pride on a level of importance with art museums, natural history museums and botanical gardens. Most American zoos were founded and operated as part of the public parks administration. They were dependent on municipal funds, and they charged no admission fee. They tended to assemble as many different mammal and bird species as possible, along with a few reptiles, exhibiting one or two specimens of each, and they competed with each other to become the first to display a rarity, like a rhinoceros. In the constant effort to attract the public to make return visits, certain types of display came in and out of fashion; for example, dozens of zoos built special Islands for their large populations of monkeys. In the 1930s, the Works Progress Administration funded millions of dollars of construction at dozens of zoos, for the most part, the collections of animals were organized by species in a combination of enclosures according to a fairly loose classification scheme. Although many histories of individual zoos describe the 1940s through the 1960s as a period of stagnation, and in some cases there was neglect, new zoos continued to be set up all over the country. In the 1940s and 1950s, the first zoos designed specifically for children were built, some with the appeal of farm animals. An increasing number of zoos tried new ways of organizing their displays. In addition to the traditional approach of exhibiting like kinds together, zoo planners had a new approach of putting animals in groups according to their continent of origin and designing exhibits showing animals of particular habitats, for example, polar, desert, or forest. During the 1960s, a few zoos arranged some displays according to animal behavior; the Bronx Zoo. for instance, opened its World of Darkness exhibit of nocturnal animals. Paradoxically, at the same time as zoo displays began incorporating ideas about the ecological relationships between animals, big cats and primates continued to be displayed in bathroom like cages lined with tiles. By the 1970s, a new wave of reform was stirring. Popular movements for environmentalism and animal welfare called attention to endangered species and to zoos that did not provide adequate care for their animals. More projects were undertaken by research scientists and zoos began hiring full-time vets as they stepped up captive breeding programs. Many zoos that had been supported entirely by municipal budgets began recruiting private financial support and charging admission fees. In the prosperous 1980s and 1990s. zoos built realistic landscape immersion exhibits, many of them around the theme of the tropical rainforest and. increasingly, conservation moved to the forefront of zoo agendas. Although zoos were popular and proliferating institutions in the United States at the turn of the twentieth century, historians have paid little attention to them. Perhaps zoos have been ignored because they were, and remain still, multi-purpose institutions, and as such they fall between the categories of analysis that historians often use. In addition, their stated goals of recreation, education, the advancement of science, and protection of endangered species have often conflicted. Zoos occupy a difficult middle ground between science and showmanship, high culture and low, remote forests and the cement cityscape, and wild animals and urban people. | Between 1940 and 1960 some older zoos had to move to new sites in order to expand. | n |
id_4192 | Nature on display in American zoos The first zoo in the United States opened in Philadelphia in 1874, followed by the Cincinnati Zoo the next year. By 1940 there were zoos in more than one hundred American cities. The Philadelphia Zoo was more thoroughly planned and better financed than most of the hundreds of zoos that would open later but in its landscape and its mission to both educate and entertain it embodied ideas about how to build a zoo that stayed consistent for decades. The zoos came into existence in the late nineteenth century during the transition of the United States from a rural and agricultural nation to an industrial one. The population more than doubled between 1860 and 1900. As more middle class people lived in cities, they began seeking new relationships with the natural world as a place for recreation, self-improvement, and Spiritual renewal. Cities established systems of public parks, and nature tourism already popular became even more fashionable with the establishment of national parks. Nature was thought to be good for people of all ages and classes. Nature study was incorporated into school curricula, and natural history collecting became an increasingly popular pastime. At the same time, the fields of study which were previously thought of as natural history grew into separate areas such as taxonomy, experimental embryology and genetics, each with its own experts and structures. As laboratory research gained prestige in the zoology departments of American universities, the gap between professional and amateur scientific activities widened. Previously, natural history had been open to amateurs and was easily popularized, but research required access to microscopes and other equipment in laboratories, as well as advanced education. The new zoos set themselves apart from traveling animal shows by stating their mission as education and the advancement of science, In addition to recreation. Zoos presented zoology for the non specialist, at a time when the intellectual distance between amateur naturalists and laboratory oriented zoologists was increasing. They attracted wide audiences and quickly became a feature of every growing and forward thinking city. They were emblems of civic pride on a level of importance with art museums, natural history museums and botanical gardens. Most American zoos were founded and operated as part of the public parks administration. They were dependent on municipal funds, and they charged no admission fee. They tended to assemble as many different mammal and bird species as possible, along with a few reptiles, exhibiting one or two specimens of each, and they competed with each other to become the first to display a rarity, like a rhinoceros. In the constant effort to attract the public to make return visits, certain types of display came in and out of fashion; for example, dozens of zoos built special Islands for their large populations of monkeys. In the 1930s, the Works Progress Administration funded millions of dollars of construction at dozens of zoos, for the most part, the collections of animals were organized by species in a combination of enclosures according to a fairly loose classification scheme. Although many histories of individual zoos describe the 1940s through the 1960s as a period of stagnation, and in some cases there was neglect, new zoos continued to be set up all over the country. In the 1940s and 1950s, the first zoos designed specifically for children were built, some with the appeal of farm animals. An increasing number of zoos tried new ways of organizing their displays. In addition to the traditional approach of exhibiting like kinds together, zoo planners had a new approach of putting animals in groups according to their continent of origin and designing exhibits showing animals of particular habitats, for example, polar, desert, or forest. During the 1960s, a few zoos arranged some displays according to animal behavior; the Bronx Zoo. for instance, opened its World of Darkness exhibit of nocturnal animals. Paradoxically, at the same time as zoo displays began incorporating ideas about the ecological relationships between animals, big cats and primates continued to be displayed in bathroom like cages lined with tiles. By the 1970s, a new wave of reform was stirring. Popular movements for environmentalism and animal welfare called attention to endangered species and to zoos that did not provide adequate care for their animals. More projects were undertaken by research scientists and zoos began hiring full-time vets as they stepped up captive breeding programs. Many zoos that had been supported entirely by municipal budgets began recruiting private financial support and charging admission fees. In the prosperous 1980s and 1990s. zoos built realistic landscape immersion exhibits, many of them around the theme of the tropical rainforest and. increasingly, conservation moved to the forefront of zoo agendas. Although zoos were popular and proliferating institutions in the United States at the turn of the twentieth century, historians have paid little attention to them. Perhaps zoos have been ignored because they were, and remain still, multi-purpose institutions, and as such they fall between the categories of analysis that historians often use. In addition, their stated goals of recreation, education, the advancement of science, and protection of endangered species have often conflicted. Zoos occupy a difficult middle ground between science and showmanship, high culture and low, remote forests and the cement cityscape, and wild animals and urban people. | Cities recognized that the new zoos were as significant an amenity as museums. | e |
id_4193 | Nature on display in American zoos The first zoo in the United States opened in Philadelphia in 1874, followed by the Cincinnati Zoo the next year. By 1940 there were zoos in more than one hundred American cities. The Philadelphia Zoo was more thoroughly planned and better financed than most of the hundreds of zoos that would open later but in its landscape and its mission to both educate and entertain it embodied ideas about how to build a zoo that stayed consistent for decades. The zoos came into existence in the late nineteenth century during the transition of the United States from a rural and agricultural nation to an industrial one. The population more than doubled between 1860 and 1900. As more middle class people lived in cities, they began seeking new relationships with the natural world as a place for recreation, self-improvement, and Spiritual renewal. Cities established systems of public parks, and nature tourism already popular became even more fashionable with the establishment of national parks. Nature was thought to be good for people of all ages and classes. Nature study was incorporated into school curricula, and natural history collecting became an increasingly popular pastime. At the same time, the fields of study which were previously thought of as natural history grew into separate areas such as taxonomy, experimental embryology and genetics, each with its own experts and structures. As laboratory research gained prestige in the zoology departments of American universities, the gap between professional and amateur scientific activities widened. Previously, natural history had been open to amateurs and was easily popularized, but research required access to microscopes and other equipment in laboratories, as well as advanced education. The new zoos set themselves apart from traveling animal shows by stating their mission as education and the advancement of science, In addition to recreation. Zoos presented zoology for the non specialist, at a time when the intellectual distance between amateur naturalists and laboratory oriented zoologists was increasing. They attracted wide audiences and quickly became a feature of every growing and forward thinking city. They were emblems of civic pride on a level of importance with art museums, natural history museums and botanical gardens. Most American zoos were founded and operated as part of the public parks administration. They were dependent on municipal funds, and they charged no admission fee. They tended to assemble as many different mammal and bird species as possible, along with a few reptiles, exhibiting one or two specimens of each, and they competed with each other to become the first to display a rarity, like a rhinoceros. In the constant effort to attract the public to make return visits, certain types of display came in and out of fashion; for example, dozens of zoos built special Islands for their large populations of monkeys. In the 1930s, the Works Progress Administration funded millions of dollars of construction at dozens of zoos, for the most part, the collections of animals were organized by species in a combination of enclosures according to a fairly loose classification scheme. Although many histories of individual zoos describe the 1940s through the 1960s as a period of stagnation, and in some cases there was neglect, new zoos continued to be set up all over the country. In the 1940s and 1950s, the first zoos designed specifically for children were built, some with the appeal of farm animals. An increasing number of zoos tried new ways of organizing their displays. In addition to the traditional approach of exhibiting like kinds together, zoo planners had a new approach of putting animals in groups according to their continent of origin and designing exhibits showing animals of particular habitats, for example, polar, desert, or forest. During the 1960s, a few zoos arranged some displays according to animal behavior; the Bronx Zoo. for instance, opened its World of Darkness exhibit of nocturnal animals. Paradoxically, at the same time as zoo displays began incorporating ideas about the ecological relationships between animals, big cats and primates continued to be displayed in bathroom like cages lined with tiles. By the 1970s, a new wave of reform was stirring. Popular movements for environmentalism and animal welfare called attention to endangered species and to zoos that did not provide adequate care for their animals. More projects were undertaken by research scientists and zoos began hiring full-time vets as they stepped up captive breeding programs. Many zoos that had been supported entirely by municipal budgets began recruiting private financial support and charging admission fees. In the prosperous 1980s and 1990s. zoos built realistic landscape immersion exhibits, many of them around the theme of the tropical rainforest and. increasingly, conservation moved to the forefront of zoo agendas. Although zoos were popular and proliferating institutions in the United States at the turn of the twentieth century, historians have paid little attention to them. Perhaps zoos have been ignored because they were, and remain still, multi-purpose institutions, and as such they fall between the categories of analysis that historians often use. In addition, their stated goals of recreation, education, the advancement of science, and protection of endangered species have often conflicted. Zoos occupy a difficult middle ground between science and showmanship, high culture and low, remote forests and the cement cityscape, and wild animals and urban people. | During the period when many zoos were opened, the study of natural history became more popular in universities than other scientific subjects. | n |
id_4194 | Nature on display in American zoos The first zoo in the United States opened in Philadelphia in 1874, followed by the Cincinnati Zoo the next year. By 1940 there were zoos in more than one hundred American cities. The Philadelphia Zoo was more thoroughly planned and better financed than most of the hundreds of zoos that would open later but in its landscape and its mission to both educate and entertain it embodied ideas about how to build a zoo that stayed consistent for decades. The zoos came into existence in the late nineteenth century during the transition of the United States from a rural and agricultural nation to an industrial one. The population more than doubled between 1860 and 1900. As more middle class people lived in cities, they began seeking new relationships with the natural world as a place for recreation, self-improvement, and Spiritual renewal. Cities established systems of public parks, and nature tourism already popular became even more fashionable with the establishment of national parks. Nature was thought to be good for people of all ages and classes. Nature study was incorporated into school curricula, and natural history collecting became an increasingly popular pastime. At the same time, the fields of study which were previously thought of as natural history grew into separate areas such as taxonomy, experimental embryology and genetics, each with its own experts and structures. As laboratory research gained prestige in the zoology departments of American universities, the gap between professional and amateur scientific activities widened. Previously, natural history had been open to amateurs and was easily popularized, but research required access to microscopes and other equipment in laboratories, as well as advanced education. The new zoos set themselves apart from traveling animal shows by stating their mission as education and the advancement of science, In addition to recreation. Zoos presented zoology for the non specialist, at a time when the intellectual distance between amateur naturalists and laboratory oriented zoologists was increasing. They attracted wide audiences and quickly became a feature of every growing and forward thinking city. They were emblems of civic pride on a level of importance with art museums, natural history museums and botanical gardens. Most American zoos were founded and operated as part of the public parks administration. They were dependent on municipal funds, and they charged no admission fee. They tended to assemble as many different mammal and bird species as possible, along with a few reptiles, exhibiting one or two specimens of each, and they competed with each other to become the first to display a rarity, like a rhinoceros. In the constant effort to attract the public to make return visits, certain types of display came in and out of fashion; for example, dozens of zoos built special Islands for their large populations of monkeys. In the 1930s, the Works Progress Administration funded millions of dollars of construction at dozens of zoos, for the most part, the collections of animals were organized by species in a combination of enclosures according to a fairly loose classification scheme. Although many histories of individual zoos describe the 1940s through the 1960s as a period of stagnation, and in some cases there was neglect, new zoos continued to be set up all over the country. In the 1940s and 1950s, the first zoos designed specifically for children were built, some with the appeal of farm animals. An increasing number of zoos tried new ways of organizing their displays. In addition to the traditional approach of exhibiting like kinds together, zoo planners had a new approach of putting animals in groups according to their continent of origin and designing exhibits showing animals of particular habitats, for example, polar, desert, or forest. During the 1960s, a few zoos arranged some displays according to animal behavior; the Bronx Zoo. for instance, opened its World of Darkness exhibit of nocturnal animals. Paradoxically, at the same time as zoo displays began incorporating ideas about the ecological relationships between animals, big cats and primates continued to be displayed in bathroom like cages lined with tiles. By the 1970s, a new wave of reform was stirring. Popular movements for environmentalism and animal welfare called attention to endangered species and to zoos that did not provide adequate care for their animals. More projects were undertaken by research scientists and zoos began hiring full-time vets as they stepped up captive breeding programs. Many zoos that had been supported entirely by municipal budgets began recruiting private financial support and charging admission fees. In the prosperous 1980s and 1990s. zoos built realistic landscape immersion exhibits, many of them around the theme of the tropical rainforest and. increasingly, conservation moved to the forefront of zoo agendas. Although zoos were popular and proliferating institutions in the United States at the turn of the twentieth century, historians have paid little attention to them. Perhaps zoos have been ignored because they were, and remain still, multi-purpose institutions, and as such they fall between the categories of analysis that historians often use. In addition, their stated goals of recreation, education, the advancement of science, and protection of endangered species have often conflicted. Zoos occupy a difficult middle ground between science and showmanship, high culture and low, remote forests and the cement cityscape, and wild animals and urban people. | The opening of zoos coincided with a trend for people to live in urban areas. | e |
id_4195 | Nature on display in American zoos The first zoo in the United States opened in Philadelphia in 1874, followed by the Cincinnati Zoo the next year. By 1940 there were zoos in more than one hundred American cities. The Philadelphia Zoo was more thoroughly planned and better financed than most of the hundreds of zoos that would open later but in its landscape and its mission to both educate and entertain it embodied ideas about how to build a zoo that stayed consistent for decades. The zoos came into existence in the late nineteenth century during the transition of the United States from a rural and agricultural nation to an industrial one. The population more than doubled between 1860 and 1900. As more middle class people lived in cities, they began seeking new relationships with the natural world as a place for recreation, self-improvement, and Spiritual renewal. Cities established systems of public parks, and nature tourism already popular became even more fashionable with the establishment of national parks. Nature was thought to be good for people of all ages and classes. Nature study was incorporated into school curricula, and natural history collecting became an increasingly popular pastime. At the same time, the fields of study which were previously thought of as natural history grew into separate areas such as taxonomy, experimental embryology and genetics, each with its own experts and structures. As laboratory research gained prestige in the zoology departments of American universities, the gap between professional and amateur scientific activities widened. Previously, natural history had been open to amateurs and was easily popularized, but research required access to microscopes and other equipment in laboratories, as well as advanced education. The new zoos set themselves apart from traveling animal shows by stating their mission as education and the advancement of science, In addition to recreation. Zoos presented zoology for the non specialist, at a time when the intellectual distance between amateur naturalists and laboratory oriented zoologists was increasing. They attracted wide audiences and quickly became a feature of every growing and forward thinking city. They were emblems of civic pride on a level of importance with art museums, natural history museums and botanical gardens. Most American zoos were founded and operated as part of the public parks administration. They were dependent on municipal funds, and they charged no admission fee. They tended to assemble as many different mammal and bird species as possible, along with a few reptiles, exhibiting one or two specimens of each, and they competed with each other to become the first to display a rarity, like a rhinoceros. In the constant effort to attract the public to make return visits, certain types of display came in and out of fashion; for example, dozens of zoos built special Islands for their large populations of monkeys. In the 1930s, the Works Progress Administration funded millions of dollars of construction at dozens of zoos, for the most part, the collections of animals were organized by species in a combination of enclosures according to a fairly loose classification scheme. Although many histories of individual zoos describe the 1940s through the 1960s as a period of stagnation, and in some cases there was neglect, new zoos continued to be set up all over the country. In the 1940s and 1950s, the first zoos designed specifically for children were built, some with the appeal of farm animals. An increasing number of zoos tried new ways of organizing their displays. In addition to the traditional approach of exhibiting like kinds together, zoo planners had a new approach of putting animals in groups according to their continent of origin and designing exhibits showing animals of particular habitats, for example, polar, desert, or forest. During the 1960s, a few zoos arranged some displays according to animal behavior; the Bronx Zoo. for instance, opened its World of Darkness exhibit of nocturnal animals. Paradoxically, at the same time as zoo displays began incorporating ideas about the ecological relationships between animals, big cats and primates continued to be displayed in bathroom like cages lined with tiles. By the 1970s, a new wave of reform was stirring. Popular movements for environmentalism and animal welfare called attention to endangered species and to zoos that did not provide adequate care for their animals. More projects were undertaken by research scientists and zoos began hiring full-time vets as they stepped up captive breeding programs. Many zoos that had been supported entirely by municipal budgets began recruiting private financial support and charging admission fees. In the prosperous 1980s and 1990s. zoos built realistic landscape immersion exhibits, many of them around the theme of the tropical rainforest and. increasingly, conservation moved to the forefront of zoo agendas. Although zoos were popular and proliferating institutions in the United States at the turn of the twentieth century, historians have paid little attention to them. Perhaps zoos have been ignored because they were, and remain still, multi-purpose institutions, and as such they fall between the categories of analysis that historians often use. In addition, their stated goals of recreation, education, the advancement of science, and protection of endangered species have often conflicted. Zoos occupy a difficult middle ground between science and showmanship, high culture and low, remote forests and the cement cityscape, and wild animals and urban people. | The concepts on which the Philadelphia zoo was based soon became unfashionable. | c |
id_4196 | Nature or Nurture? A few years ago, in one of the most fascinating and disturbing experiments in behavioural psychology, Stanley Milgram of Yale University tested 40 subjects from all walks of life for their willingness to obey instructions given by a 'leader' in a situation in which the subjects might feel a personal distaste for the actions they were called upon to perform. Specifically Milgram told each volunteer 'teacher-subject' that the experiment was in the noble cause of education, and was designed to test whether or not punishing pupils for their mistakes would have a positive effect on the pupils' ability to learn. Milgram's experimental set-up involved placing the teacher-subject before a panel of thirty switches with labels ranging from '15 volts of electricity (slight shock)' to '450 volts (danger severe shock)' in steps of 15 volts each. The teacher-subject was told that whenever the pupil gave the wrong answer to a question, a shock was to be administered, beginning at the lowest level and increasing in severity with each successive wrong answer. The supposed 'pupil' was in reality an actor hired by Milgram to simulate receiving the shocks by emitting a spectrum of groans, screams and writings together with an assortment of statements and expletives denouncing both the experiment and the experimenter. Milgram told the teacher-subject to ignore the reactions of the pupil, and to administer whatever level of shock was called for, as per the rule governing the experimental situation of the moment. As the experiment unfolded, the pupil would deliberately give the wrong answers to questions posed by the teacher, thereby bringing on various electrical punishments, even up to the danger level of 300 volts and beyond. Many of the teacher-subjects balked at administering the higher levels of punishment, and turned to Milgram with questioning looks and/or complaints about continuing the experiment. In these situations, Milgram calmly explained that the teacher-subject was to ignore the pupil's cries for mercy and carry on with the experiment. If the subject was still reluctant to proceed, Milgram said that it was important for the sake of the experiment that the procedure be followed through to the end. His final argument was 'you have no other choice. You must go on'. What Milgram was trying to discover was the number of teacher-subjects who would be willing to administer the highest levels of shock, even in the face of strong personal and moral revulsion against the rules and conditions of the experiment. Prior to carrying out the experiment, Milgram explained his idea to a group of 39 psychiatrists and asked them to predict the average percentage of people in an ordinary population who would be willing to administer the highest shock level of 450 volts. The overwhelming consensus was that virtually all the teacher-subjects would refuse to obey the experimenter. The psychiatrists felt that 'most subjects would not go beyond 150 volts' and they further anticipated that only four per cent would go up to 300 volts. Furthermore, they thought that only a lunatic fringe of about one in 1,000 would give the highest shock of 450 volts. What were the actual results? Well, over 60 per cent of the teacher-subjects continued to obey Milgram up to the 450-volt limit in repetitions of the experiment in other countries, the percentage of obedient teacher-subjects was even higher, reaching 85 per cent in one country. How can we possibly account for this vast discrepancy between what calm, rational, knowledgeable people predict in the comfort of their study and what pressured, flustered, but cooperative 'teachers' actually do in the laboratory of real life? One's first inclination might be to argue that there must be some sort of built-in animal aggression instinct that was activated by the experiment, and that Milgram's teache-subjects were just following a genetic need to discharge this pent-up primal urge onto the pupil by administering the electrical shock. A modern hard-core sociobiologist might even go so far as to claim that this aggressive instinct evolved as an advantageous trait, having been of survival value to our ancestors in their struggle against the hardships of life on the plains and in the caves, ultimately finding its way into our genetic make-up as a remnant of our ancient animal ways. An alternative to this notion of genetic programming is to see the teacher-subjects' actions as a result of the social environment under which the experiment was carried out. As Milgram himself pointed out, 'Most subjects in the experiment see their behaviour in a larger context that is benevolent and useful to society the pursuit of scientific truth. The psychological laboratory has a strong claim to legitimacy and evokes trust and confidence in those who perform there. An action such as shocking a victim, which in isolation appears evil, acquires a completely different meaning when placed in this setting. ' Thus, in this explanation the subject merges his unique personality and personal and moral code with that of larger institutional structures, surrendering individual properties like loyalty, self-sacrifice and discipline to the service of malevolent systems of authority. Here we have two radically different explanations for why so many teacher-subjects were willing to forgo their sense of personal responsibility for the sake of an institutional authority figure. The problem for biologists, psychologists and anthropologists is to sort out which of these two polar explanations is more plausible. This, in essence, is the problem of modern sociobiology to discover the degree to which hard-wired genetic programming dictates, or at least strongly biases, the interaction of animals and humans with their environment, that is, their behaviour. Put another way, sociobiology is concerned with elucidating the biological basis of all behaviour. | In a sociological explanation, personal values are more powerful than authority. | c |
id_4197 | Nature or Nurture? A few years ago, in one of the most fascinating and disturbing experiments in behavioural psychology, Stanley Milgram of Yale University tested 40 subjects from all walks of life for their willingness to obey instructions given by a 'leader' in a situation in which the subjects might feel a personal distaste for the actions they were called upon to perform. Specifically Milgram told each volunteer 'teacher-subject' that the experiment was in the noble cause of education, and was designed to test whether or not punishing pupils for their mistakes would have a positive effect on the pupils' ability to learn. Milgram's experimental set-up involved placing the teacher-subject before a panel of thirty switches with labels ranging from '15 volts of electricity (slight shock)' to '450 volts (danger severe shock)' in steps of 15 volts each. The teacher-subject was told that whenever the pupil gave the wrong answer to a question, a shock was to be administered, beginning at the lowest level and increasing in severity with each successive wrong answer. The supposed 'pupil' was in reality an actor hired by Milgram to simulate receiving the shocks by emitting a spectrum of groans, screams and writings together with an assortment of statements and expletives denouncing both the experiment and the experimenter. Milgram told the teacher-subject to ignore the reactions of the pupil, and to administer whatever level of shock was called for, as per the rule governing the experimental situation of the moment. As the experiment unfolded, the pupil would deliberately give the wrong answers to questions posed by the teacher, thereby bringing on various electrical punishments, even up to the danger level of 300 volts and beyond. Many of the teacher-subjects balked at administering the higher levels of punishment, and turned to Milgram with questioning looks and/or complaints about continuing the experiment. In these situations, Milgram calmly explained that the teacher-subject was to ignore the pupil's cries for mercy and carry on with the experiment. If the subject was still reluctant to proceed, Milgram said that it was important for the sake of the experiment that the procedure be followed through to the end. His final argument was 'you have no other choice. You must go on'. What Milgram was trying to discover was the number of teacher-subjects who would be willing to administer the highest levels of shock, even in the face of strong personal and moral revulsion against the rules and conditions of the experiment. Prior to carrying out the experiment, Milgram explained his idea to a group of 39 psychiatrists and asked them to predict the average percentage of people in an ordinary population who would be willing to administer the highest shock level of 450 volts. The overwhelming consensus was that virtually all the teacher-subjects would refuse to obey the experimenter. The psychiatrists felt that 'most subjects would not go beyond 150 volts' and they further anticipated that only four per cent would go up to 300 volts. Furthermore, they thought that only a lunatic fringe of about one in 1,000 would give the highest shock of 450 volts. What were the actual results? Well, over 60 per cent of the teacher-subjects continued to obey Milgram up to the 450-volt limit in repetitions of the experiment in other countries, the percentage of obedient teacher-subjects was even higher, reaching 85 per cent in one country. How can we possibly account for this vast discrepancy between what calm, rational, knowledgeable people predict in the comfort of their study and what pressured, flustered, but cooperative 'teachers' actually do in the laboratory of real life? One's first inclination might be to argue that there must be some sort of built-in animal aggression instinct that was activated by the experiment, and that Milgram's teache-subjects were just following a genetic need to discharge this pent-up primal urge onto the pupil by administering the electrical shock. A modern hard-core sociobiologist might even go so far as to claim that this aggressive instinct evolved as an advantageous trait, having been of survival value to our ancestors in their struggle against the hardships of life on the plains and in the caves, ultimately finding its way into our genetic make-up as a remnant of our ancient animal ways. An alternative to this notion of genetic programming is to see the teacher-subjects' actions as a result of the social environment under which the experiment was carried out. As Milgram himself pointed out, 'Most subjects in the experiment see their behaviour in a larger context that is benevolent and useful to society the pursuit of scientific truth. The psychological laboratory has a strong claim to legitimacy and evokes trust and confidence in those who perform there. An action such as shocking a victim, which in isolation appears evil, acquires a completely different meaning when placed in this setting. ' Thus, in this explanation the subject merges his unique personality and personal and moral code with that of larger institutional structures, surrendering individual properties like loyalty, self-sacrifice and discipline to the service of malevolent systems of authority. Here we have two radically different explanations for why so many teacher-subjects were willing to forgo their sense of personal responsibility for the sake of an institutional authority figure. The problem for biologists, psychologists and anthropologists is to sort out which of these two polar explanations is more plausible. This, in essence, is the problem of modern sociobiology to discover the degree to which hard-wired genetic programming dictates, or at least strongly biases, the interaction of animals and humans with their environment, that is, their behaviour. Put another way, sociobiology is concerned with elucidating the biological basis of all behaviour. | Some people may believe that the teacher-subjects' behaviour could be explained as a positive survival mechanism. | e |
id_4198 | Nature or Nurture? A few years ago, in one of the most fascinating and disturbing experiments in behavioural psychology, Stanley Milgram of Yale University tested 40 subjects from all walks of life for their willingness to obey instructions given by a 'leader' in a situation in which the subjects might feel a personal distaste for the actions they were called upon to perform. Specifically Milgram told each volunteer 'teacher-subject' that the experiment was in the noble cause of education, and was designed to test whether or not punishing pupils for their mistakes would have a positive effect on the pupils' ability to learn. Milgram's experimental set-up involved placing the teacher-subject before a panel of thirty switches with labels ranging from '15 volts of electricity (slight shock)' to '450 volts (danger severe shock)' in steps of 15 volts each. The teacher-subject was told that whenever the pupil gave the wrong answer to a question, a shock was to be administered, beginning at the lowest level and increasing in severity with each successive wrong answer. The supposed 'pupil' was in reality an actor hired by Milgram to simulate receiving the shocks by emitting a spectrum of groans, screams and writings together with an assortment of statements and expletives denouncing both the experiment and the experimenter. Milgram told the teacher-subject to ignore the reactions of the pupil, and to administer whatever level of shock was called for, as per the rule governing the experimental situation of the moment. As the experiment unfolded, the pupil would deliberately give the wrong answers to questions posed by the teacher, thereby bringing on various electrical punishments, even up to the danger level of 300 volts and beyond. Many of the teacher-subjects balked at administering the higher levels of punishment, and turned to Milgram with questioning looks and/or complaints about continuing the experiment. In these situations, Milgram calmly explained that the teacher-subject was to ignore the pupil's cries for mercy and carry on with the experiment. If the subject was still reluctant to proceed, Milgram said that it was important for the sake of the experiment that the procedure be followed through to the end. His final argument was 'you have no other choice. You must go on'. What Milgram was trying to discover was the number of teacher-subjects who would be willing to administer the highest levels of shock, even in the face of strong personal and moral revulsion against the rules and conditions of the experiment. Prior to carrying out the experiment, Milgram explained his idea to a group of 39 psychiatrists and asked them to predict the average percentage of people in an ordinary population who would be willing to administer the highest shock level of 450 volts. The overwhelming consensus was that virtually all the teacher-subjects would refuse to obey the experimenter. The psychiatrists felt that 'most subjects would not go beyond 150 volts' and they further anticipated that only four per cent would go up to 300 volts. Furthermore, they thought that only a lunatic fringe of about one in 1,000 would give the highest shock of 450 volts. What were the actual results? Well, over 60 per cent of the teacher-subjects continued to obey Milgram up to the 450-volt limit in repetitions of the experiment in other countries, the percentage of obedient teacher-subjects was even higher, reaching 85 per cent in one country. How can we possibly account for this vast discrepancy between what calm, rational, knowledgeable people predict in the comfort of their study and what pressured, flustered, but cooperative 'teachers' actually do in the laboratory of real life? One's first inclination might be to argue that there must be some sort of built-in animal aggression instinct that was activated by the experiment, and that Milgram's teache-subjects were just following a genetic need to discharge this pent-up primal urge onto the pupil by administering the electrical shock. A modern hard-core sociobiologist might even go so far as to claim that this aggressive instinct evolved as an advantageous trait, having been of survival value to our ancestors in their struggle against the hardships of life on the plains and in the caves, ultimately finding its way into our genetic make-up as a remnant of our ancient animal ways. An alternative to this notion of genetic programming is to see the teacher-subjects' actions as a result of the social environment under which the experiment was carried out. As Milgram himself pointed out, 'Most subjects in the experiment see their behaviour in a larger context that is benevolent and useful to society the pursuit of scientific truth. The psychological laboratory has a strong claim to legitimacy and evokes trust and confidence in those who perform there. An action such as shocking a victim, which in isolation appears evil, acquires a completely different meaning when placed in this setting. ' Thus, in this explanation the subject merges his unique personality and personal and moral code with that of larger institutional structures, surrendering individual properties like loyalty, self-sacrifice and discipline to the service of malevolent systems of authority. Here we have two radically different explanations for why so many teacher-subjects were willing to forgo their sense of personal responsibility for the sake of an institutional authority figure. The problem for biologists, psychologists and anthropologists is to sort out which of these two polar explanations is more plausible. This, in essence, is the problem of modern sociobiology to discover the degree to which hard-wired genetic programming dictates, or at least strongly biases, the interaction of animals and humans with their environment, that is, their behaviour. Put another way, sociobiology is concerned with elucidating the biological basis of all behaviour. | Milgram's experiment solves an important question in sociobiology. | c |
id_4199 | Nature or Nurture? A few years ago, in one of the most fascinating and disturbing experiments in behavioural psychology, Stanley Milgram of Yale University tested 40 subjects from all walks of life for their willingness to obey instructions given by a 'leader' in a situation in which the subjects might feel a personal distaste for the actions they were called upon to perform. Specifically Milgram told each volunteer 'teacher-subject' that the experiment was in the noble cause of education, and was designed to test whether or not punishing pupils for their mistakes would have a positive effect on the pupils' ability to learn. Milgram's experimental set-up involved placing the teacher-subject before a panel of thirty switches with labels ranging from '15 volts of electricity (slight shock)' to '450 volts (danger severe shock)' in steps of 15 volts each. The teacher-subject was told that whenever the pupil gave the wrong answer to a question, a shock was to be administered, beginning at the lowest level and increasing in severity with each successive wrong answer. The supposed 'pupil' was in reality an actor hired by Milgram to simulate receiving the shocks by emitting a spectrum of groans, screams and writings together with an assortment of statements and expletives denouncing both the experiment and the experimenter. Milgram told the teacher-subject to ignore the reactions of the pupil, and to administer whatever level of shock was called for, as per the rule governing the experimental situation of the moment. As the experiment unfolded, the pupil would deliberately give the wrong answers to questions posed by the teacher, thereby bringing on various electrical punishments, even up to the danger level of 300 volts and beyond. Many of the teacher-subjects balked at administering the higher levels of punishment, and turned to Milgram with questioning looks and/or complaints about continuing the experiment. In these situations, Milgram calmly explained that the teacher-subject was to ignore the pupil's cries for mercy and carry on with the experiment. If the subject was still reluctant to proceed, Milgram said that it was important for the sake of the experiment that the procedure be followed through to the end. His final argument was 'you have no other choice. You must go on'. What Milgram was trying to discover was the number of teacher-subjects who would be willing to administer the highest levels of shock, even in the face of strong personal and moral revulsion against the rules and conditions of the experiment. Prior to carrying out the experiment, Milgram explained his idea to a group of 39 psychiatrists and asked them to predict the average percentage of people in an ordinary population who would be willing to administer the highest shock level of 450 volts. The overwhelming consensus was that virtually all the teacher-subjects would refuse to obey the experimenter. The psychiatrists felt that 'most subjects would not go beyond 150 volts' and they further anticipated that only four per cent would go up to 300 volts. Furthermore, they thought that only a lunatic fringe of about one in 1,000 would give the highest shock of 450 volts. What were the actual results? Well, over 60 per cent of the teacher-subjects continued to obey Milgram up to the 450-volt limit in repetitions of the experiment in other countries, the percentage of obedient teacher-subjects was even higher, reaching 85 per cent in one country. How can we possibly account for this vast discrepancy between what calm, rational, knowledgeable people predict in the comfort of their study and what pressured, flustered, but cooperative 'teachers' actually do in the laboratory of real life? One's first inclination might be to argue that there must be some sort of built-in animal aggression instinct that was activated by the experiment, and that Milgram's teache-subjects were just following a genetic need to discharge this pent-up primal urge onto the pupil by administering the electrical shock. A modern hard-core sociobiologist might even go so far as to claim that this aggressive instinct evolved as an advantageous trait, having been of survival value to our ancestors in their struggle against the hardships of life on the plains and in the caves, ultimately finding its way into our genetic make-up as a remnant of our ancient animal ways. An alternative to this notion of genetic programming is to see the teacher-subjects' actions as a result of the social environment under which the experiment was carried out. As Milgram himself pointed out, 'Most subjects in the experiment see their behaviour in a larger context that is benevolent and useful to society the pursuit of scientific truth. The psychological laboratory has a strong claim to legitimacy and evokes trust and confidence in those who perform there. An action such as shocking a victim, which in isolation appears evil, acquires a completely different meaning when placed in this setting. ' Thus, in this explanation the subject merges his unique personality and personal and moral code with that of larger institutional structures, surrendering individual properties like loyalty, self-sacrifice and discipline to the service of malevolent systems of authority. Here we have two radically different explanations for why so many teacher-subjects were willing to forgo their sense of personal responsibility for the sake of an institutional authority figure. The problem for biologists, psychologists and anthropologists is to sort out which of these two polar explanations is more plausible. This, in essence, is the problem of modern sociobiology to discover the degree to which hard-wired genetic programming dictates, or at least strongly biases, the interaction of animals and humans with their environment, that is, their behaviour. Put another way, sociobiology is concerned with elucidating the biological basis of all behaviour. | Several of the subjects were psychology students at Yale University. | n |
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.