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id_4700 | Political transformation in Chile came about with the eradication of the Pinochet military regime in 1990 and the institution of a new democratically elected government led by Aylwin. The new government triggered economic growth. Aylwins government vowed to promote economic growth in parallel to the introduction of new social policies. This provided the raison deter for social and labour policies directed at the poorest communities and aimed at achieving greater social equality. The establishment of Chilean democracy has been crucial in drawing overseas investors, which in turn has boosted Chile's economic growth. | There was no economic growth in Chile prior to Aylwin's government. | n |
id_4701 | Political transformation in Chile came about with the eradication of the Pinochet military regime in 1990 and the institution of a new democratically elected government led by Aylwin. The new government triggered economic growth. Aylwins government vowed to promote economic growth in parallel to the introduction of new social policies. This provided the raison deter for social and labour policies directed at the poorest communities and aimed at achieving greater social equality. The establishment of Chilean democracy has been crucial in drawing overseas investors, which in turn has boosted Chile's economic growth. | Chilean government believed the new social policies alone would sufficiently enhance economy. | c |
id_4702 | Political transformation in Chile came about with the eradication of the Pinochet military regime in 1990 and the institution of a new democratically elected government led by Aylwin. The new government triggered economic growth. Aylwins government vowed to promote economic growth in parallel to the introduction of new social policies. This provided the raison deter for social and labour policies directed at the poorest communities and aimed at achieving greater social equality. The establishment of Chilean democracy has been crucial in drawing overseas investors, which in turn has boosted Chile's economic growth. | Chile's economy peaked following the establishment of the new democratic regime. | n |
id_4703 | Political, economic and demographic developments are combining to increase the wealth of individuals leading economies. These individuals take a much more active role in managing their personal financial affairs and in determining how their assets should be invested for their long-term benefit. As a result, we are seeing the emergence of a new market, consisting of so-called affluent individuals. This structural trend is set to continue and will provide significant opportunities for financial services providers. This band of individuals has traditionally been dominated by old money inheritance, and this will remain a factor, but the rise of new affluent money is increasing as individuals benefit from higher salaries and compensation in the form of stock options. These new affluent individuals are also creating wealth as small business entrepreneurs. | Individuals cannot become affluent through inheriting old money. | c |
id_4704 | Political, economic and demographic developments are combining to increase the wealth of individuals leading economies. These individuals take a much more active role in managing their personal financial affairs and in determining how their assets should be invested for their long-term benefit. As a result, we are seeing the emergence of a new market, consisting of so-called affluent individuals. This structural trend is set to continue and will provide significant opportunities for financial services providers. This band of individuals has traditionally been dominated by old money inheritance, and this will remain a factor, but the rise of new affluent money is increasing as individuals benefit from higher salaries and compensation in the form of stock options. These new affluent individuals are also creating wealth as small business entrepreneurs. | Affluent individuals want to manage their own assets rather than use financial service providers. | n |
id_4705 | Political, economic and demographic developments are combining to increase the wealth of individuals leading economies. These individuals take a much more active role in managing their personal financial affairs and in determining how their assets should be invested for their long-term benefit. As a result, we are seeing the emergence of a new market, consisting of so-called affluent individuals. This structural trend is set to continue and will provide significant opportunities for financial services providers. This band of individuals has traditionally been dominated by old money inheritance, and this will remain a factor, but the rise of new affluent money is increasing as individuals benefit from higher salaries and compensation in the form of stock options. These new affluent individuals are also creating wealth as small business entrepreneurs. | Affluent individuals want to manage their own assets rather than use financial service providers. | c |
id_4706 | Political, economic and demographic developments are combining to increase the wealth of individuals leading economies. These individuals take a much more active role in managing their personal financial affairs and in determining how their assets should be invested for their long-term benefit. As a result, we are seeing the emergence of a new market, consisting of so-called affluent individuals. This structural trend is set to continue and will provide significant opportunities for financial services providers. This band of individuals has traditionally been dominated by old money inheritance, and this will remain a factor, but the rise of new affluent money is increasing as individuals benefit from higher salaries and compensation in the form of stock options. These new affluent individuals are also creating wealth as small business entrepreneurs. | Inherited old money will be completely replaced by new affluent money. | c |
id_4707 | Pollution in the Bay POURING water into the sea sounds harmless enough. But in Florida Bay, a large and shallow section between the southern end of the Everglades and Florida Keys, it is proving highly controversial. That is because researchers are divided over whether it will help or hinder the plants and animals that live in the bay. What is at risk is the future of the bays extensive beds of sea grasses. These grow on the bays muddy floor and act as nurseries for the larvae of shrimps, lobsters and fishmany of them important sport and commercial-fishing species. Also in danger is an impressive range of coral reefs that run the length of the Florida Keys and form the third-largest barrier reef in the world. Since the 1980s, coral cover has dropped by 40%, and a third of the coral species have gone. This has had a damaging effect on the animals that depend on the reef, such as crabs, turtles and nearly 600 species of fish. What is causing such ecological change is a matter of much debate. And the answer is of no small consequence. This is because the American government is planning to devote $8 billion over the next 30 years to revitalising the Everglades. Seasonal freshwater flows into the Everglades are to be restored in order to improve the regions health. But they will then run off into the bay. Joseph Zienam, a marine ecologist at the University of Virginia, thinks this is a good idea. He believes that a lack of freshwater in the bay is its main problem. The blame, he says, lies with a century of drainage in the Everglades aimed at turning the marshes into farmland and areas for development. This has caused the flow of freshwater into Florida Bay to dwindle, making the water in the bay, overall, more saline. This, he argues, kills the sea grasses, and as these rot, nutrients are released that feed the microscopic plants and animals that live in the water. This, he says, is why the bays once crystal- clear waters often resemble a pea soup. And in a vicious circle, these turbid blooms block out sunlight, causing more sea grasses to die and yet more turbidity. Brian Lapointe, a marine scientist at the Harbour Branch Oceanographic Institution at Fort Pierce in Florida, disagrees. He thinks sea grasses can tolerate much higher levels of salinity than the bay actually displays. Furthermore, he notes that, when freshwater flows through the Everglades were increased experimentally in the 1990s, it led to massive plankton blooms. Freshwater running off from well-fertilised farmlands, he says, caused a fivefold rise in nitrogen levels in the bay. This was like pouring fuel on a fire. The result was mass mortality of sea grasses because of increased turbidity from the plankton. Dr Lapointe adds that, because corals thrive only in waters where nutrient levels are low, restoring freshwater rich in nitrogen will do more damage to the reef. It is a plausible theory. The water flowing off crops that are grown on the 750,000 acres of heavily fertilised farmland on the northern edge of the Everglades is rich in nitrogen, half of which ends up in the bay. But Bill Kruczynski, of Americas Environmental Protection Agency, is convinced that nitrogen from farmlands is not the chief problem. Some coral reefs well away from any nitrogen pollution are dying and, curiously, a few are thriving. Dr Kuczynski thinks that increased nutrients arriving from local sewage discharges from the thousands of cesspits along the Florida Keys are part of the problem. Such claims and counterclaims make the impact of the restoration plan difficult to predict. If increased salinity is the main problem, the bays ecology will benefit from the Everglades restoration project If, however, nitrogen is the problem, increasing the flow of freshwater could make matters much worse. If this second hypothesis proves correct, the cure is to remove nitrogen from farmland or sewage discharges, or perhaps both, Neither will be easy. Man-made wetlands, at present being built to reduce phosphate run off into the bay- also from fertilisers -would need an algal culture (a sort of contained algal bloom) added to them to deal with discharges from farmlands. That would be costly. So too would be the replacement of cesspits with proper sewerage-one estimate puts the cost at $650m. Either way, it is clear that when, on December 1st, 3,000 square miles of sea around the reef are designated as a protective zone by the deputy secretary of commerce, Sam Bodman, this will do nothing to protect the reef from pollution. Some argue, though, that there is a more fundamental flaw in the plans for the bay: the very idea of returning it to a utopian ideal before man wrought his damage. Nobody knows what Florida Bay was like before the 1950s, when engineers cut the largest canals in the Everglades and took most of the water away. Dr Kruczynski suspects it was more like an estuary. The bay that many people wish to re-create could have been nothing more than a changing phase in the bays history. These arguments do not merely threaten to create ecological problems but economic ones as well. The economy of the Florida Keys depends on tourism-the local tourist industry has an annual turnover of $2.5 billion. People come for fishing-boat trips, for manatee watching, or for scuba diving and snorkeling to view the exotically coloured corals. If the plan to restore the Everglades makes problems in the bay and the reef worse, it could prove a very expensive mistake. | Everyone agree with pouring water into sea is harmless enough even in Florida Bay area. | c |
id_4708 | Pollution in the Bay POURING water into the sea sounds harmless enough. But in Florida Bay, a large and shallow section between the southern end of the Everglades and Florida Keys, it is proving highly controversial. That is because researchers are divided over whether it will help or hinder the plants and animals that live in the bay. What is at risk is the future of the bays extensive beds of sea grasses. These grow on the bays muddy floor and act as nurseries for the larvae of shrimps, lobsters and fishmany of them important sport and commercial-fishing species. Also in danger is an impressive range of coral reefs that run the length of the Florida Keys and form the third-largest barrier reef in the world. Since the 1980s, coral cover has dropped by 40%, and a third of the coral species have gone. This has had a damaging effect on the animals that depend on the reef, such as crabs, turtles and nearly 600 species of fish. What is causing such ecological change is a matter of much debate. And the answer is of no small consequence. This is because the American government is planning to devote $8 billion over the next 30 years to revitalising the Everglades. Seasonal freshwater flows into the Everglades are to be restored in order to improve the regions health. But they will then run off into the bay. Joseph Zienam, a marine ecologist at the University of Virginia, thinks this is a good idea. He believes that a lack of freshwater in the bay is its main problem. The blame, he says, lies with a century of drainage in the Everglades aimed at turning the marshes into farmland and areas for development. This has caused the flow of freshwater into Florida Bay to dwindle, making the water in the bay, overall, more saline. This, he argues, kills the sea grasses, and as these rot, nutrients are released that feed the microscopic plants and animals that live in the water. This, he says, is why the bays once crystal- clear waters often resemble a pea soup. And in a vicious circle, these turbid blooms block out sunlight, causing more sea grasses to die and yet more turbidity. Brian Lapointe, a marine scientist at the Harbour Branch Oceanographic Institution at Fort Pierce in Florida, disagrees. He thinks sea grasses can tolerate much higher levels of salinity than the bay actually displays. Furthermore, he notes that, when freshwater flows through the Everglades were increased experimentally in the 1990s, it led to massive plankton blooms. Freshwater running off from well-fertilised farmlands, he says, caused a fivefold rise in nitrogen levels in the bay. This was like pouring fuel on a fire. The result was mass mortality of sea grasses because of increased turbidity from the plankton. Dr Lapointe adds that, because corals thrive only in waters where nutrient levels are low, restoring freshwater rich in nitrogen will do more damage to the reef. It is a plausible theory. The water flowing off crops that are grown on the 750,000 acres of heavily fertilised farmland on the northern edge of the Everglades is rich in nitrogen, half of which ends up in the bay. But Bill Kruczynski, of Americas Environmental Protection Agency, is convinced that nitrogen from farmlands is not the chief problem. Some coral reefs well away from any nitrogen pollution are dying and, curiously, a few are thriving. Dr Kuczynski thinks that increased nutrients arriving from local sewage discharges from the thousands of cesspits along the Florida Keys are part of the problem. Such claims and counterclaims make the impact of the restoration plan difficult to predict. If increased salinity is the main problem, the bays ecology will benefit from the Everglades restoration project If, however, nitrogen is the problem, increasing the flow of freshwater could make matters much worse. If this second hypothesis proves correct, the cure is to remove nitrogen from farmland or sewage discharges, or perhaps both, Neither will be easy. Man-made wetlands, at present being built to reduce phosphate run off into the bay- also from fertilisers -would need an algal culture (a sort of contained algal bloom) added to them to deal with discharges from farmlands. That would be costly. So too would be the replacement of cesspits with proper sewerage-one estimate puts the cost at $650m. Either way, it is clear that when, on December 1st, 3,000 square miles of sea around the reef are designated as a protective zone by the deputy secretary of commerce, Sam Bodman, this will do nothing to protect the reef from pollution. Some argue, though, that there is a more fundamental flaw in the plans for the bay: the very idea of returning it to a utopian ideal before man wrought his damage. Nobody knows what Florida Bay was like before the 1950s, when engineers cut the largest canals in the Everglades and took most of the water away. Dr Kruczynski suspects it was more like an estuary. The bay that many people wish to re-create could have been nothing more than a changing phase in the bays history. These arguments do not merely threaten to create ecological problems but economic ones as well. The economy of the Florida Keys depends on tourism-the local tourist industry has an annual turnover of $2.5 billion. People come for fishing-boat trips, for manatee watching, or for scuba diving and snorkeling to view the exotically coloured corals. If the plan to restore the Everglades makes problems in the bay and the reef worse, it could prove a very expensive mistake. | Nitrogen was poured in from different types of crops as water flows through. | n |
id_4709 | Pollution in the Bay POURING water into the sea sounds harmless enough. But in Florida Bay, a large and shallow section between the southern end of the Everglades and Florida Keys, it is proving highly controversial. That is because researchers are divided over whether it will help or hinder the plants and animals that live in the bay. What is at risk is the future of the bays extensive beds of sea grasses. These grow on the bays muddy floor and act as nurseries for the larvae of shrimps, lobsters and fishmany of them important sport and commercial-fishing species. Also in danger is an impressive range of coral reefs that run the length of the Florida Keys and form the third-largest barrier reef in the world. Since the 1980s, coral cover has dropped by 40%, and a third of the coral species have gone. This has had a damaging effect on the animals that depend on the reef, such as crabs, turtles and nearly 600 species of fish. What is causing such ecological change is a matter of much debate. And the answer is of no small consequence. This is because the American government is planning to devote $8 billion over the next 30 years to revitalising the Everglades. Seasonal freshwater flows into the Everglades are to be restored in order to improve the regions health. But they will then run off into the bay. Joseph Zienam, a marine ecologist at the University of Virginia, thinks this is a good idea. He believes that a lack of freshwater in the bay is its main problem. The blame, he says, lies with a century of drainage in the Everglades aimed at turning the marshes into farmland and areas for development. This has caused the flow of freshwater into Florida Bay to dwindle, making the water in the bay, overall, more saline. This, he argues, kills the sea grasses, and as these rot, nutrients are released that feed the microscopic plants and animals that live in the water. This, he says, is why the bays once crystal- clear waters often resemble a pea soup. And in a vicious circle, these turbid blooms block out sunlight, causing more sea grasses to die and yet more turbidity. Brian Lapointe, a marine scientist at the Harbour Branch Oceanographic Institution at Fort Pierce in Florida, disagrees. He thinks sea grasses can tolerate much higher levels of salinity than the bay actually displays. Furthermore, he notes that, when freshwater flows through the Everglades were increased experimentally in the 1990s, it led to massive plankton blooms. Freshwater running off from well-fertilised farmlands, he says, caused a fivefold rise in nitrogen levels in the bay. This was like pouring fuel on a fire. The result was mass mortality of sea grasses because of increased turbidity from the plankton. Dr Lapointe adds that, because corals thrive only in waters where nutrient levels are low, restoring freshwater rich in nitrogen will do more damage to the reef. It is a plausible theory. The water flowing off crops that are grown on the 750,000 acres of heavily fertilised farmland on the northern edge of the Everglades is rich in nitrogen, half of which ends up in the bay. But Bill Kruczynski, of Americas Environmental Protection Agency, is convinced that nitrogen from farmlands is not the chief problem. Some coral reefs well away from any nitrogen pollution are dying and, curiously, a few are thriving. Dr Kuczynski thinks that increased nutrients arriving from local sewage discharges from the thousands of cesspits along the Florida Keys are part of the problem. Such claims and counterclaims make the impact of the restoration plan difficult to predict. If increased salinity is the main problem, the bays ecology will benefit from the Everglades restoration project If, however, nitrogen is the problem, increasing the flow of freshwater could make matters much worse. If this second hypothesis proves correct, the cure is to remove nitrogen from farmland or sewage discharges, or perhaps both, Neither will be easy. Man-made wetlands, at present being built to reduce phosphate run off into the bay- also from fertilisers -would need an algal culture (a sort of contained algal bloom) added to them to deal with discharges from farmlands. That would be costly. So too would be the replacement of cesspits with proper sewerage-one estimate puts the cost at $650m. Either way, it is clear that when, on December 1st, 3,000 square miles of sea around the reef are designated as a protective zone by the deputy secretary of commerce, Sam Bodman, this will do nothing to protect the reef from pollution. Some argue, though, that there is a more fundamental flaw in the plans for the bay: the very idea of returning it to a utopian ideal before man wrought his damage. Nobody knows what Florida Bay was like before the 1950s, when engineers cut the largest canals in the Everglades and took most of the water away. Dr Kruczynski suspects it was more like an estuary. The bay that many people wish to re-create could have been nothing more than a changing phase in the bays history. These arguments do not merely threaten to create ecological problems but economic ones as well. The economy of the Florida Keys depends on tourism-the local tourist industry has an annual turnover of $2.5 billion. People come for fishing-boat trips, for manatee watching, or for scuba diving and snorkeling to view the exotically coloured corals. If the plan to restore the Everglades makes problems in the bay and the reef worse, it could prove a very expensive mistake. | Everglades restoration project can be effective regardless the cause of the pollution. | c |
id_4710 | Pollution in the Bay POURING water into the sea sounds harmless enough. But in Florida Bay, a large and shallow section between the southern end of the Everglades and Florida Keys, it is proving highly controversial. That is because researchers are divided over whether it will help or hinder the plants and animals that live in the bay. What is at risk is the future of the bays extensive beds of sea grasses. These grow on the bays muddy floor and act as nurseries for the larvae of shrimps, lobsters and fishmany of them important sport and commercial-fishing species. Also in danger is an impressive range of coral reefs that run the length of the Florida Keys and form the third-largest barrier reef in the world. Since the 1980s, coral cover has dropped by 40%, and a third of the coral species have gone. This has had a damaging effect on the animals that depend on the reef, such as crabs, turtles and nearly 600 species of fish. What is causing such ecological change is a matter of much debate. And the answer is of no small consequence. This is because the American government is planning to devote $8 billion over the next 30 years to revitalising the Everglades. Seasonal freshwater flows into the Everglades are to be restored in order to improve the regions health. But they will then run off into the bay. Joseph Zienam, a marine ecologist at the University of Virginia, thinks this is a good idea. He believes that a lack of freshwater in the bay is its main problem. The blame, he says, lies with a century of drainage in the Everglades aimed at turning the marshes into farmland and areas for development. This has caused the flow of freshwater into Florida Bay to dwindle, making the water in the bay, overall, more saline. This, he argues, kills the sea grasses, and as these rot, nutrients are released that feed the microscopic plants and animals that live in the water. This, he says, is why the bays once crystal- clear waters often resemble a pea soup. And in a vicious circle, these turbid blooms block out sunlight, causing more sea grasses to die and yet more turbidity. Brian Lapointe, a marine scientist at the Harbour Branch Oceanographic Institution at Fort Pierce in Florida, disagrees. He thinks sea grasses can tolerate much higher levels of salinity than the bay actually displays. Furthermore, he notes that, when freshwater flows through the Everglades were increased experimentally in the 1990s, it led to massive plankton blooms. Freshwater running off from well-fertilised farmlands, he says, caused a fivefold rise in nitrogen levels in the bay. This was like pouring fuel on a fire. The result was mass mortality of sea grasses because of increased turbidity from the plankton. Dr Lapointe adds that, because corals thrive only in waters where nutrient levels are low, restoring freshwater rich in nitrogen will do more damage to the reef. It is a plausible theory. The water flowing off crops that are grown on the 750,000 acres of heavily fertilised farmland on the northern edge of the Everglades is rich in nitrogen, half of which ends up in the bay. But Bill Kruczynski, of Americas Environmental Protection Agency, is convinced that nitrogen from farmlands is not the chief problem. Some coral reefs well away from any nitrogen pollution are dying and, curiously, a few are thriving. Dr Kuczynski thinks that increased nutrients arriving from local sewage discharges from the thousands of cesspits along the Florida Keys are part of the problem. Such claims and counterclaims make the impact of the restoration plan difficult to predict. If increased salinity is the main problem, the bays ecology will benefit from the Everglades restoration project If, however, nitrogen is the problem, increasing the flow of freshwater could make matters much worse. If this second hypothesis proves correct, the cure is to remove nitrogen from farmland or sewage discharges, or perhaps both, Neither will be easy. Man-made wetlands, at present being built to reduce phosphate run off into the bay- also from fertilisers -would need an algal culture (a sort of contained algal bloom) added to them to deal with discharges from farmlands. That would be costly. So too would be the replacement of cesspits with proper sewerage-one estimate puts the cost at $650m. Either way, it is clear that when, on December 1st, 3,000 square miles of sea around the reef are designated as a protective zone by the deputy secretary of commerce, Sam Bodman, this will do nothing to protect the reef from pollution. Some argue, though, that there is a more fundamental flaw in the plans for the bay: the very idea of returning it to a utopian ideal before man wrought his damage. Nobody knows what Florida Bay was like before the 1950s, when engineers cut the largest canals in the Everglades and took most of the water away. Dr Kruczynski suspects it was more like an estuary. The bay that many people wish to re-create could have been nothing more than a changing phase in the bays history. These arguments do not merely threaten to create ecological problems but economic ones as well. The economy of the Florida Keys depends on tourism-the local tourist industry has an annual turnover of $2.5 billion. People come for fishing-boat trips, for manatee watching, or for scuba diving and snorkeling to view the exotically coloured corals. If the plan to restore the Everglades makes problems in the bay and the reef worse, it could prove a very expensive mistake. | Human has changed Florida Bay where old image before 1950s is unrecalled | e |
id_4711 | Pollution in the Bay POURING water into the sea sounds harmless enough. But in Florida Bay, a large and shallow section between the southern end of the Everglades and Florida Keys, it is proving highly controversial. That is because researchers are divided over whether it will help or hinder the plants and animals that live in the bay. What is at risk is the future of the bays extensive beds of sea grasses. These grow on the bays muddy floor and act as nurseries for the larvae of shrimps, lobsters and fishmany of them important sport and commercial-fishing species. Also in danger is an impressive range of coral reefs that run the length of the Florida Keys and form the third-largest barrier reef in the world. Since the 1980s, coral cover has dropped by 40%, and a third of the coral species have gone. This has had a damaging effect on the animals that depend on the reef, such as crabs, turtles and nearly 600 species of fish. What is causing such ecological change is a matter of much debate. And the answer is of no small consequence. This is because the American government is planning to devote $8 billion over the next 30 years to revitalising the Everglades. Seasonal freshwater flows into the Everglades are to be restored in order to improve the regions health. But they will then run off into the bay. Joseph Zienam, a marine ecologist at the University of Virginia, thinks this is a good idea. He believes that a lack of freshwater in the bay is its main problem. The blame, he says, lies with a century of drainage in the Everglades aimed at turning the marshes into farmland and areas for development. This has caused the flow of freshwater into Florida Bay to dwindle, making the water in the bay, overall, more saline. This, he argues, kills the sea grasses, and as these rot, nutrients are released that feed the microscopic plants and animals that live in the water. This, he says, is why the bays once crystal- clear waters often resemble a pea soup. And in a vicious circle, these turbid blooms block out sunlight, causing more sea grasses to die and yet more turbidity. Brian Lapointe, a marine scientist at the Harbour Branch Oceanographic Institution at Fort Pierce in Florida, disagrees. He thinks sea grasses can tolerate much higher levels of salinity than the bay actually displays. Furthermore, he notes that, when freshwater flows through the Everglades were increased experimentally in the 1990s, it led to massive plankton blooms. Freshwater running off from well-fertilised farmlands, he says, caused a fivefold rise in nitrogen levels in the bay. This was like pouring fuel on a fire. The result was mass mortality of sea grasses because of increased turbidity from the plankton. Dr Lapointe adds that, because corals thrive only in waters where nutrient levels are low, restoring freshwater rich in nitrogen will do more damage to the reef. It is a plausible theory. The water flowing off crops that are grown on the 750,000 acres of heavily fertilised farmland on the northern edge of the Everglades is rich in nitrogen, half of which ends up in the bay. But Bill Kruczynski, of Americas Environmental Protection Agency, is convinced that nitrogen from farmlands is not the chief problem. Some coral reefs well away from any nitrogen pollution are dying and, curiously, a few are thriving. Dr Kuczynski thinks that increased nutrients arriving from local sewage discharges from the thousands of cesspits along the Florida Keys are part of the problem. Such claims and counterclaims make the impact of the restoration plan difficult to predict. If increased salinity is the main problem, the bays ecology will benefit from the Everglades restoration project If, however, nitrogen is the problem, increasing the flow of freshwater could make matters much worse. If this second hypothesis proves correct, the cure is to remove nitrogen from farmland or sewage discharges, or perhaps both, Neither will be easy. Man-made wetlands, at present being built to reduce phosphate run off into the bay- also from fertilisers -would need an algal culture (a sort of contained algal bloom) added to them to deal with discharges from farmlands. That would be costly. So too would be the replacement of cesspits with proper sewerage-one estimate puts the cost at $650m. Either way, it is clear that when, on December 1st, 3,000 square miles of sea around the reef are designated as a protective zone by the deputy secretary of commerce, Sam Bodman, this will do nothing to protect the reef from pollution. Some argue, though, that there is a more fundamental flaw in the plans for the bay: the very idea of returning it to a utopian ideal before man wrought his damage. Nobody knows what Florida Bay was like before the 1950s, when engineers cut the largest canals in the Everglades and took most of the water away. Dr Kruczynski suspects it was more like an estuary. The bay that many people wish to re-create could have been nothing more than a changing phase in the bays history. These arguments do not merely threaten to create ecological problems but economic ones as well. The economy of the Florida Keys depends on tourism-the local tourist industry has an annual turnover of $2.5 billion. People come for fishing-boat trips, for manatee watching, or for scuba diving and snorkeling to view the exotically coloured corals. If the plan to restore the Everglades makes problems in the bay and the reef worse, it could prove a very expensive mistake. | Tourism contributes fundamentally to economy of the Florida Bay area. | e |
id_4712 | Poor farmers and poor food-exporting countries have for years suffered the disincentive of low food prices but recently they have seen their returns improve by an average of 20 per cent and this has brought real benefits to communities that rank amongst the poorest in the world. On the other hand, many, many millions of the worlds poor are landless and live on a $1 a day or less and these people already living in absolute poverty now face famine. Most governments of the poorest food-importing countries are counterbalancing the rapid rises in staple food prices with improved food subsidy programmes. Those that have not are facing domestic food price protests. Already modest educational and health programmes are being squeezed in order to fund these plans. | Rising food prices weigh more heavily in some places than others. | e |
id_4713 | Poor farmers and poor food-exporting countries have for years suffered the disincentive of low food prices but recently they have seen their returns improve by an average of 20 per cent and this has brought real benefits to communities that rank amongst the poorest in the world. On the other hand, many, many millions of the worlds poor are landless and live on a $1 a day or less and these people already living in absolute poverty now face famine. Most governments of the poorest food-importing countries are counterbalancing the rapid rises in staple food prices with improved food subsidy programmes. Those that have not are facing domestic food price protests. Already modest educational and health programmes are being squeezed in order to fund these plans. | The main issue in the passage is rising food prices and how they create winners and losers. | e |
id_4714 | Poor farmers and poor food-exporting countries have for years suffered the disincentive of low food prices but recently they have seen their returns improve by an average of 20 per cent and this has brought real benefits to communities that rank amongst the poorest in the world. On the other hand, many, many millions of the worlds poor are landless and live on a $1 a day or less and these people already living in absolute poverty now face famine. Most governments of the poorest food-importing countries are counterbalancing the rapid rises in staple food prices with improved food subsidy programmes. Those that have not are facing domestic food price protests. Already modest educational and health programmes are being squeezed in order to fund these plans. | Food subsidy programmes are intended to ease the pain of the effect rather than stop the development. | e |
id_4715 | Population viability analysis To make political decisions about the extent and type of forestry in a region it is important to understand the consequences of those decisions. One tool for assessing the impact of forestry on the ecosystem is population viability analysis (PVA). This is a tool for predicting the probability that a species will become extinct in a particular region over a specific period. It has been successfully used in the United States to provide input into resource exploitation decisions and assist wildlife managers and there is now enormous potential for using population viability to assist wildlife management in Australias forests. A species becomes extinct when the last individual dies. This observation is a useful starting point for any discussion of extinction as it highlights the role of luck and chance in the extinction process. To make a prediction about extinction we need to understand the processes that can contribute to it and these fall into four broad categories which are discussed below. A Early attempts to predict population viability were based on demographic uncertainty Whether an individual survives from one year to the next will largely be a matter of chance. Some pairs may produce several young in a single year while others may produce none in that same year. Small populations will fluctuate enormously because of the random nature of birth and death and these chance fluctuations can cause species extinctions even if, on average, the population size should increase. Taking only this uncertainty of ability to reproduce into account, extinction is unlikely if the number of individuals in a population is above about 50 and the population is growing. Small populations cannot avoid a certain amount of inbreeding. This is particularly true if there is a very small number of one sex. For example, if there are only 20 individuals of a species and only one is a male, all future individuals in the species must be descended from that one male. For most animal species such individuals are less likely to survive and reproduce. Inbreeding increases the chance of extinction. Variation within a species is the raw material upon which natural selection acts. Without genetic variability a species lacks the capacity to evolve and cannot adapt to changes in its environment or to new predators and new diseases. The loss of genetic diversity associated with reductions in population size will contribute to the likelihood of extinction. Recent research has shown that other factors need to be considered. Australias environment fluctuates enormously from year to year. These fluctuations add yet another degree of uncertainty to the survival of many species. Catastrophes such as fire, flood, drought or epidemic may reduce population sizes to a small fraction of their average level. When allowance is made for these two additional elements of uncertainty the population size necessary to be confident of persistence for a few hundred years may increase to several thousand. Beside these processes we need to bear in mind the distribution of a population. A species that occurs in five isolated places each containing 20 individuals will not have the same probability of extinction as a species with a single population of 100 individuals in a single locality. Where logging occurs (that is, the cutting down of forests for timber) forest- dependent creatures in that area will be forced to leave. Ground-dwelling herbivores may return within a decade. However, arboreal marsupials (that is animals which live in trees) may not recover to pre-logging densities for over a century. As more forests are logged, animal population sizes will be reduced further. Regardless of the theory or model that we choose, a reduction in population size decreases the genetic diversity of a population and increases the probability of extinction because of any or all of the processes listed above. It is therefore a scientific fact that increasing the area that is loaded in any region will increase the probability that forest-dependent animals will become extinct. | A species is said to be extinct when only one individual exists. | c |
id_4716 | Population viability analysis To make political decisions about the extent and type of forestry in a region it is important to understand the consequences of those decisions. One tool for assessing the impact of forestry on the ecosystem is population viability analysis (PVA). This is a tool for predicting the probability that a species will become extinct in a particular region over a specific period. It has been successfully used in the United States to provide input into resource exploitation decisions and assist wildlife managers and there is now enormous potential for using population viability to assist wildlife management in Australias forests. A species becomes extinct when the last individual dies. This observation is a useful starting point for any discussion of extinction as it highlights the role of luck and chance in the extinction process. To make a prediction about extinction we need to understand the processes that can contribute to it and these fall into four broad categories which are discussed below. A Early attempts to predict population viability were based on demographic uncertainty Whether an individual survives from one year to the next will largely be a matter of chance. Some pairs may produce several young in a single year while others may produce none in that same year. Small populations will fluctuate enormously because of the random nature of birth and death and these chance fluctuations can cause species extinctions even if, on average, the population size should increase. Taking only this uncertainty of ability to reproduce into account, extinction is unlikely if the number of individuals in a population is above about 50 and the population is growing. Small populations cannot avoid a certain amount of inbreeding. This is particularly true if there is a very small number of one sex. For example, if there are only 20 individuals of a species and only one is a male, all future individuals in the species must be descended from that one male. For most animal species such individuals are less likely to survive and reproduce. Inbreeding increases the chance of extinction. Variation within a species is the raw material upon which natural selection acts. Without genetic variability a species lacks the capacity to evolve and cannot adapt to changes in its environment or to new predators and new diseases. The loss of genetic diversity associated with reductions in population size will contribute to the likelihood of extinction. Recent research has shown that other factors need to be considered. Australias environment fluctuates enormously from year to year. These fluctuations add yet another degree of uncertainty to the survival of many species. Catastrophes such as fire, flood, drought or epidemic may reduce population sizes to a small fraction of their average level. When allowance is made for these two additional elements of uncertainty the population size necessary to be confident of persistence for a few hundred years may increase to several thousand. Beside these processes we need to bear in mind the distribution of a population. A species that occurs in five isolated places each containing 20 individuals will not have the same probability of extinction as a species with a single population of 100 individuals in a single locality. Where logging occurs (that is, the cutting down of forests for timber) forest- dependent creatures in that area will be forced to leave. Ground-dwelling herbivores may return within a decade. However, arboreal marsupials (that is animals which live in trees) may not recover to pre-logging densities for over a century. As more forests are logged, animal population sizes will be reduced further. Regardless of the theory or model that we choose, a reduction in population size decreases the genetic diversity of a population and increases the probability of extinction because of any or all of the processes listed above. It is therefore a scientific fact that increasing the area that is loaded in any region will increase the probability that forest-dependent animals will become extinct. | Scientists are interested in the effect of forestry on native animals. | e |
id_4717 | Population viability analysis To make political decisions about the extent and type of forestry in a region it is important to understand the consequences of those decisions. One tool for assessing the impact of forestry on the ecosystem is population viability analysis (PVA). This is a tool for predicting the probability that a species will become extinct in a particular region over a specific period. It has been successfully used in the United States to provide input into resource exploitation decisions and assist wildlife managers and there is now enormous potential for using population viability to assist wildlife management in Australias forests. A species becomes extinct when the last individual dies. This observation is a useful starting point for any discussion of extinction as it highlights the role of luck and chance in the extinction process. To make a prediction about extinction we need to understand the processes that can contribute to it and these fall into four broad categories which are discussed below. A Early attempts to predict population viability were based on demographic uncertainty Whether an individual survives from one year to the next will largely be a matter of chance. Some pairs may produce several young in a single year while others may produce none in that same year. Small populations will fluctuate enormously because of the random nature of birth and death and these chance fluctuations can cause species extinctions even if, on average, the population size should increase. Taking only this uncertainty of ability to reproduce into account, extinction is unlikely if the number of individuals in a population is above about 50 and the population is growing. Small populations cannot avoid a certain amount of inbreeding. This is particularly true if there is a very small number of one sex. For example, if there are only 20 individuals of a species and only one is a male, all future individuals in the species must be descended from that one male. For most animal species such individuals are less likely to survive and reproduce. Inbreeding increases the chance of extinction. Variation within a species is the raw material upon which natural selection acts. Without genetic variability a species lacks the capacity to evolve and cannot adapt to changes in its environment or to new predators and new diseases. The loss of genetic diversity associated with reductions in population size will contribute to the likelihood of extinction. Recent research has shown that other factors need to be considered. Australias environment fluctuates enormously from year to year. These fluctuations add yet another degree of uncertainty to the survival of many species. Catastrophes such as fire, flood, drought or epidemic may reduce population sizes to a small fraction of their average level. When allowance is made for these two additional elements of uncertainty the population size necessary to be confident of persistence for a few hundred years may increase to several thousand. Beside these processes we need to bear in mind the distribution of a population. A species that occurs in five isolated places each containing 20 individuals will not have the same probability of extinction as a species with a single population of 100 individuals in a single locality. Where logging occurs (that is, the cutting down of forests for timber) forest- dependent creatures in that area will be forced to leave. Ground-dwelling herbivores may return within a decade. However, arboreal marsupials (that is animals which live in trees) may not recover to pre-logging densities for over a century. As more forests are logged, animal population sizes will be reduced further. Regardless of the theory or model that we choose, a reduction in population size decreases the genetic diversity of a population and increases the probability of extinction because of any or all of the processes listed above. It is therefore a scientific fact that increasing the area that is loaded in any region will increase the probability that forest-dependent animals will become extinct. | PVA has been used in Australia for many years. | c |
id_4718 | Population viability analysis To make political decisions about the extent and type of forestry in a region it is important to understand the consequences of those decisions. One tool for assessing the impact of forestry on the ecosystem is population viability analysis (PVA). This is a tool for predicting the probability that a species will become extinct in a particular region over a specific period. It has been successfully used in the United States to provide input into resource exploitation decisions and assist wildlife managers and there is now enormous potential for using population viability to assist wildlife management in Australias forests. A species becomes extinct when the last individual dies. This observation is a useful starting point for any discussion of extinction as it highlights the role of luck and chance in the extinction process. To make a prediction about extinction we need to understand the processes that can contribute to it and these fall into four broad categories which are discussed below. A Early attempts to predict population viability were based on demographic uncertainty Whether an individual survives from one year to the next will largely be a matter of chance. Some pairs may produce several young in a single year while others may produce none in that same year. Small populations will fluctuate enormously because of the random nature of birth and death and these chance fluctuations can cause species extinctions even if, on average, the population size should increase. Taking only this uncertainty of ability to reproduce into account, extinction is unlikely if the number of individuals in a population is above about 50 and the population is growing. Small populations cannot avoid a certain amount of inbreeding. This is particularly true if there is a very small number of one sex. For example, if there are only 20 individuals of a species and only one is a male, all future individuals in the species must be descended from that one male. For most animal species such individuals are less likely to survive and reproduce. Inbreeding increases the chance of extinction. Variation within a species is the raw material upon which natural selection acts. Without genetic variability a species lacks the capacity to evolve and cannot adapt to changes in its environment or to new predators and new diseases. The loss of genetic diversity associated with reductions in population size will contribute to the likelihood of extinction. Recent research has shown that other factors need to be considered. Australias environment fluctuates enormously from year to year. These fluctuations add yet another degree of uncertainty to the survival of many species. Catastrophes such as fire, flood, drought or epidemic may reduce population sizes to a small fraction of their average level. When allowance is made for these two additional elements of uncertainty the population size necessary to be confident of persistence for a few hundred years may increase to several thousand. Beside these processes we need to bear in mind the distribution of a population. A species that occurs in five isolated places each containing 20 individuals will not have the same probability of extinction as a species with a single population of 100 individuals in a single locality. Where logging occurs (that is, the cutting down of forests for timber) forest- dependent creatures in that area will be forced to leave. Ground-dwelling herbivores may return within a decade. However, arboreal marsupials (that is animals which live in trees) may not recover to pre-logging densities for over a century. As more forests are logged, animal population sizes will be reduced further. Regardless of the theory or model that we choose, a reduction in population size decreases the genetic diversity of a population and increases the probability of extinction because of any or all of the processes listed above. It is therefore a scientific fact that increasing the area that is loaded in any region will increase the probability that forest-dependent animals will become extinct. | Extinction is a naturally occurring phenomenon. | n |
id_4719 | Port One Air pollution is increasingly becoming the focus of government and citizen concern around the globe. From Mexico City and New York, to Singapore and Tokyo, new solutions to this old problem are being proposed, Mailed and implemenred with ever increasing speed. It is feared that unless pollution reduction measures are able to keep pace with the continued pressures of urban growth, air quality in many of the worlds major cities will deteriorate beyond reason. Acrion is being taken along several fronts: through new legislation, improved enforcement and innovative technology. In Los Angeles, state regulations are forcing manufacturers to try to sell ever cleaner cars: their first of the cleanest, titled "Zero Emission Vehicles, hove to be available soon, since they are intended to make up 2 per cent of sales in 1997. Local authorities in London are campaigning to be allowed to enforce anti-pollution lows themselves; at present only rhe police have the power to do so, but they tend to be busy elsewhere. In Singapore, renting out toad space to users is the woy of the future. When Dritains Royal Automobile Club monitored rhe exhausts of 60,000 vehicles, it found that 12 per cent of them produced more than half the total pollution. Older cars were the worst offenders; though a sizeable number of quire new cars were also identified as gross polluters, they were simply badly tuned. California has developed a scheme to get these gross polluters off rhe streets: they offer a flat $700 for any old, run-down vehicle driven in by its owner. The aim is to remove rhe heaviesr-polluring, most decrepit vehicles from rhe roads. As part of a European Union environmental programme, a London council is resting an infra-red specrrometer from rhe University of Denver in Colorado. It gauges the pollution from a passing vehicle - more useful than the annual stationary rest that is the British standard today - by bouncing a beam through the exhaust and measuring what gets blocked. The councils next step may be to link the system to a computerised video camera able to read number plates automatically. The effort to clean up cars may do little to cut pollution if nothing is done about the tendency to drive them more. Los Angeles has some of the worlds cleanest cars - far better than those of Europe - but the total number of miles those cars drive continues to grow. One solution is car-pooling, an arrangement in which a number of people who share the same destination share the use of one car. However, the average number of people in o car on the freeway in Los Angeles, which is 1.0, has been falling steadily. Increasing it would be an effecrive way of reducing emissions as well as easing congestion. The trouble is, Los Angelenos seem to like being alone in their cars. Singapore has for a while had o scheme that forces drivers to buy a badge if they wish to visit a certain parr of the city. Electronic innovations make possible increasing sophistication: rates can vary according to road conditions, time of day and so on. Singapore is advancing in this direction, with a city-wide network of transmittets to collect information and charge drivers as they pass certain points. Such road-pricing, however, can be conrroversial. When the local government in Cambridge, England, considered introducing Singaporean techniques, it faced vocal and ultimately successful opposition. Part Two The scope of the problem facing the worlds cities is immense. In 1992, the United Nations Environmental Programme and the World Healrh Organisation (WHO) concluded that all of a sample of twenty megacities - places likely to have more than ten million inhabitants in the year 2000 - already exceeded the level the WHO deems healthy in at least one major pollutant. Two-thirds of them exceeded the guidelines for two, seven for three or more. Of the six pollutants monitored by the WHO - carbon dioxide, nittogen dioxide, ozone, sulphur dioxide, lead and parriculate matter - it is this last category rhar is attracting the most attention from health researchers. PM10, a sub-category of particulate matter measuring ten-millionths of a mette across, has been implicated in thousands of deaths a year in Britain alone. Research being conducred in two counties of Southern California is reaching similarly disturbing conclusions concerning this little- understood pollutant. A world-wide rise in allergies, particularly asthma, over the past four decades is now said to be linked with increased air pollution. The lungs and brains of children who grow up in pollured air offer further evidence of its desttuctive power The old and ill, however, are the most vulnerable to the acute effects of heavily polluted stagnant air. It con actually hasten death, os it did in December 1991 when a cloud of exhaust fumes lingered over the city of London for over a week. The United Nations has estimated that in the year 2000 there will be twenty-four mega-cities and a further eighty-five cities of more than three million people. The ptessure on public officials, corporations and urban citizens to reverse established trends in air pollution is likely to grow in proportion with the growth of cities themselves. Progress is being made. The quesrion, though, remains rhe same: Will change happen quickly enough? | According to British research, a mere twelve per cent of vehicles tested produced over fifty per cent of total pollution produced by the sample group. | e |
id_4720 | Port One Air pollution is increasingly becoming the focus of government and citizen concern around the globe. From Mexico City and New York, to Singapore and Tokyo, new solutions to this old problem are being proposed, Mailed and implemenred with ever increasing speed. It is feared that unless pollution reduction measures are able to keep pace with the continued pressures of urban growth, air quality in many of the worlds major cities will deteriorate beyond reason. Acrion is being taken along several fronts: through new legislation, improved enforcement and innovative technology. In Los Angeles, state regulations are forcing manufacturers to try to sell ever cleaner cars: their first of the cleanest, titled "Zero Emission Vehicles, hove to be available soon, since they are intended to make up 2 per cent of sales in 1997. Local authorities in London are campaigning to be allowed to enforce anti-pollution lows themselves; at present only rhe police have the power to do so, but they tend to be busy elsewhere. In Singapore, renting out toad space to users is the woy of the future. When Dritains Royal Automobile Club monitored rhe exhausts of 60,000 vehicles, it found that 12 per cent of them produced more than half the total pollution. Older cars were the worst offenders; though a sizeable number of quire new cars were also identified as gross polluters, they were simply badly tuned. California has developed a scheme to get these gross polluters off rhe streets: they offer a flat $700 for any old, run-down vehicle driven in by its owner. The aim is to remove rhe heaviesr-polluring, most decrepit vehicles from rhe roads. As part of a European Union environmental programme, a London council is resting an infra-red specrrometer from rhe University of Denver in Colorado. It gauges the pollution from a passing vehicle - more useful than the annual stationary rest that is the British standard today - by bouncing a beam through the exhaust and measuring what gets blocked. The councils next step may be to link the system to a computerised video camera able to read number plates automatically. The effort to clean up cars may do little to cut pollution if nothing is done about the tendency to drive them more. Los Angeles has some of the worlds cleanest cars - far better than those of Europe - but the total number of miles those cars drive continues to grow. One solution is car-pooling, an arrangement in which a number of people who share the same destination share the use of one car. However, the average number of people in o car on the freeway in Los Angeles, which is 1.0, has been falling steadily. Increasing it would be an effecrive way of reducing emissions as well as easing congestion. The trouble is, Los Angelenos seem to like being alone in their cars. Singapore has for a while had o scheme that forces drivers to buy a badge if they wish to visit a certain parr of the city. Electronic innovations make possible increasing sophistication: rates can vary according to road conditions, time of day and so on. Singapore is advancing in this direction, with a city-wide network of transmittets to collect information and charge drivers as they pass certain points. Such road-pricing, however, can be conrroversial. When the local government in Cambridge, England, considered introducing Singaporean techniques, it faced vocal and ultimately successful opposition. Part Two The scope of the problem facing the worlds cities is immense. In 1992, the United Nations Environmental Programme and the World Healrh Organisation (WHO) concluded that all of a sample of twenty megacities - places likely to have more than ten million inhabitants in the year 2000 - already exceeded the level the WHO deems healthy in at least one major pollutant. Two-thirds of them exceeded the guidelines for two, seven for three or more. Of the six pollutants monitored by the WHO - carbon dioxide, nittogen dioxide, ozone, sulphur dioxide, lead and parriculate matter - it is this last category rhar is attracting the most attention from health researchers. PM10, a sub-category of particulate matter measuring ten-millionths of a mette across, has been implicated in thousands of deaths a year in Britain alone. Research being conducred in two counties of Southern California is reaching similarly disturbing conclusions concerning this little- understood pollutant. A world-wide rise in allergies, particularly asthma, over the past four decades is now said to be linked with increased air pollution. The lungs and brains of children who grow up in pollured air offer further evidence of its desttuctive power The old and ill, however, are the most vulnerable to the acute effects of heavily polluted stagnant air. It con actually hasten death, os it did in December 1991 when a cloud of exhaust fumes lingered over the city of London for over a week. The United Nations has estimated that in the year 2000 there will be twenty-four mega-cities and a further eighty-five cities of more than three million people. The ptessure on public officials, corporations and urban citizens to reverse established trends in air pollution is likely to grow in proportion with the growth of cities themselves. Progress is being made. The quesrion, though, remains rhe same: Will change happen quickly enough? | Car-pooling has steadily become more popular in Los Angeles in recent years. | c |
id_4721 | Port One Air pollution is increasingly becoming the focus of government and citizen concern around the globe. From Mexico City and New York, to Singapore and Tokyo, new solutions to this old problem are being proposed, Mailed and implemenred with ever increasing speed. It is feared that unless pollution reduction measures are able to keep pace with the continued pressures of urban growth, air quality in many of the worlds major cities will deteriorate beyond reason. Acrion is being taken along several fronts: through new legislation, improved enforcement and innovative technology. In Los Angeles, state regulations are forcing manufacturers to try to sell ever cleaner cars: their first of the cleanest, titled "Zero Emission Vehicles, hove to be available soon, since they are intended to make up 2 per cent of sales in 1997. Local authorities in London are campaigning to be allowed to enforce anti-pollution lows themselves; at present only rhe police have the power to do so, but they tend to be busy elsewhere. In Singapore, renting out toad space to users is the woy of the future. When Dritains Royal Automobile Club monitored rhe exhausts of 60,000 vehicles, it found that 12 per cent of them produced more than half the total pollution. Older cars were the worst offenders; though a sizeable number of quire new cars were also identified as gross polluters, they were simply badly tuned. California has developed a scheme to get these gross polluters off rhe streets: they offer a flat $700 for any old, run-down vehicle driven in by its owner. The aim is to remove rhe heaviesr-polluring, most decrepit vehicles from rhe roads. As part of a European Union environmental programme, a London council is resting an infra-red specrrometer from rhe University of Denver in Colorado. It gauges the pollution from a passing vehicle - more useful than the annual stationary rest that is the British standard today - by bouncing a beam through the exhaust and measuring what gets blocked. The councils next step may be to link the system to a computerised video camera able to read number plates automatically. The effort to clean up cars may do little to cut pollution if nothing is done about the tendency to drive them more. Los Angeles has some of the worlds cleanest cars - far better than those of Europe - but the total number of miles those cars drive continues to grow. One solution is car-pooling, an arrangement in which a number of people who share the same destination share the use of one car. However, the average number of people in o car on the freeway in Los Angeles, which is 1.0, has been falling steadily. Increasing it would be an effecrive way of reducing emissions as well as easing congestion. The trouble is, Los Angelenos seem to like being alone in their cars. Singapore has for a while had o scheme that forces drivers to buy a badge if they wish to visit a certain parr of the city. Electronic innovations make possible increasing sophistication: rates can vary according to road conditions, time of day and so on. Singapore is advancing in this direction, with a city-wide network of transmittets to collect information and charge drivers as they pass certain points. Such road-pricing, however, can be conrroversial. When the local government in Cambridge, England, considered introducing Singaporean techniques, it faced vocal and ultimately successful opposition. Part Two The scope of the problem facing the worlds cities is immense. In 1992, the United Nations Environmental Programme and the World Healrh Organisation (WHO) concluded that all of a sample of twenty megacities - places likely to have more than ten million inhabitants in the year 2000 - already exceeded the level the WHO deems healthy in at least one major pollutant. Two-thirds of them exceeded the guidelines for two, seven for three or more. Of the six pollutants monitored by the WHO - carbon dioxide, nittogen dioxide, ozone, sulphur dioxide, lead and parriculate matter - it is this last category rhar is attracting the most attention from health researchers. PM10, a sub-category of particulate matter measuring ten-millionths of a mette across, has been implicated in thousands of deaths a year in Britain alone. Research being conducred in two counties of Southern California is reaching similarly disturbing conclusions concerning this little- understood pollutant. A world-wide rise in allergies, particularly asthma, over the past four decades is now said to be linked with increased air pollution. The lungs and brains of children who grow up in pollured air offer further evidence of its desttuctive power The old and ill, however, are the most vulnerable to the acute effects of heavily polluted stagnant air. It con actually hasten death, os it did in December 1991 when a cloud of exhaust fumes lingered over the city of London for over a week. The United Nations has estimated that in the year 2000 there will be twenty-four mega-cities and a further eighty-five cities of more than three million people. The ptessure on public officials, corporations and urban citizens to reverse established trends in air pollution is likely to grow in proportion with the growth of cities themselves. Progress is being made. The quesrion, though, remains rhe same: Will change happen quickly enough? | It is currently possible to measure the pollution coming from individual vehicles whilst they are moving. | e |
id_4722 | Port One Air pollution is increasingly becoming the focus of government and citizen concern around the globe. From Mexico City and New York, to Singapore and Tokyo, new solutions to this old problem are being proposed, Mailed and implemenred with ever increasing speed. It is feared that unless pollution reduction measures are able to keep pace with the continued pressures of urban growth, air quality in many of the worlds major cities will deteriorate beyond reason. Acrion is being taken along several fronts: through new legislation, improved enforcement and innovative technology. In Los Angeles, state regulations are forcing manufacturers to try to sell ever cleaner cars: their first of the cleanest, titled "Zero Emission Vehicles, hove to be available soon, since they are intended to make up 2 per cent of sales in 1997. Local authorities in London are campaigning to be allowed to enforce anti-pollution lows themselves; at present only rhe police have the power to do so, but they tend to be busy elsewhere. In Singapore, renting out toad space to users is the woy of the future. When Dritains Royal Automobile Club monitored rhe exhausts of 60,000 vehicles, it found that 12 per cent of them produced more than half the total pollution. Older cars were the worst offenders; though a sizeable number of quire new cars were also identified as gross polluters, they were simply badly tuned. California has developed a scheme to get these gross polluters off rhe streets: they offer a flat $700 for any old, run-down vehicle driven in by its owner. The aim is to remove rhe heaviesr-polluring, most decrepit vehicles from rhe roads. As part of a European Union environmental programme, a London council is resting an infra-red specrrometer from rhe University of Denver in Colorado. It gauges the pollution from a passing vehicle - more useful than the annual stationary rest that is the British standard today - by bouncing a beam through the exhaust and measuring what gets blocked. The councils next step may be to link the system to a computerised video camera able to read number plates automatically. The effort to clean up cars may do little to cut pollution if nothing is done about the tendency to drive them more. Los Angeles has some of the worlds cleanest cars - far better than those of Europe - but the total number of miles those cars drive continues to grow. One solution is car-pooling, an arrangement in which a number of people who share the same destination share the use of one car. However, the average number of people in o car on the freeway in Los Angeles, which is 1.0, has been falling steadily. Increasing it would be an effecrive way of reducing emissions as well as easing congestion. The trouble is, Los Angelenos seem to like being alone in their cars. Singapore has for a while had o scheme that forces drivers to buy a badge if they wish to visit a certain parr of the city. Electronic innovations make possible increasing sophistication: rates can vary according to road conditions, time of day and so on. Singapore is advancing in this direction, with a city-wide network of transmittets to collect information and charge drivers as they pass certain points. Such road-pricing, however, can be conrroversial. When the local government in Cambridge, England, considered introducing Singaporean techniques, it faced vocal and ultimately successful opposition. Part Two The scope of the problem facing the worlds cities is immense. In 1992, the United Nations Environmental Programme and the World Healrh Organisation (WHO) concluded that all of a sample of twenty megacities - places likely to have more than ten million inhabitants in the year 2000 - already exceeded the level the WHO deems healthy in at least one major pollutant. Two-thirds of them exceeded the guidelines for two, seven for three or more. Of the six pollutants monitored by the WHO - carbon dioxide, nittogen dioxide, ozone, sulphur dioxide, lead and parriculate matter - it is this last category rhar is attracting the most attention from health researchers. PM10, a sub-category of particulate matter measuring ten-millionths of a mette across, has been implicated in thousands of deaths a year in Britain alone. Research being conducred in two counties of Southern California is reaching similarly disturbing conclusions concerning this little- understood pollutant. A world-wide rise in allergies, particularly asthma, over the past four decades is now said to be linked with increased air pollution. The lungs and brains of children who grow up in pollured air offer further evidence of its desttuctive power The old and ill, however, are the most vulnerable to the acute effects of heavily polluted stagnant air. It con actually hasten death, os it did in December 1991 when a cloud of exhaust fumes lingered over the city of London for over a week. The United Nations has estimated that in the year 2000 there will be twenty-four mega-cities and a further eighty-five cities of more than three million people. The ptessure on public officials, corporations and urban citizens to reverse established trends in air pollution is likely to grow in proportion with the growth of cities themselves. Progress is being made. The quesrion, though, remains rhe same: Will change happen quickly enough? | Residents of Los Angeles are now tending to reduce the yearly distances they travel by car. | c |
id_4723 | Port One Air pollution is increasingly becoming the focus of government and citizen concern around the globe. From Mexico City and New York, to Singapore and Tokyo, new solutions to this old problem are being proposed, Mailed and implemenred with ever increasing speed. It is feared that unless pollution reduction measures are able to keep pace with the continued pressures of urban growth, air quality in many of the worlds major cities will deteriorate beyond reason. Acrion is being taken along several fronts: through new legislation, improved enforcement and innovative technology. In Los Angeles, state regulations are forcing manufacturers to try to sell ever cleaner cars: their first of the cleanest, titled "Zero Emission Vehicles, hove to be available soon, since they are intended to make up 2 per cent of sales in 1997. Local authorities in London are campaigning to be allowed to enforce anti-pollution lows themselves; at present only rhe police have the power to do so, but they tend to be busy elsewhere. In Singapore, renting out toad space to users is the woy of the future. When Dritains Royal Automobile Club monitored rhe exhausts of 60,000 vehicles, it found that 12 per cent of them produced more than half the total pollution. Older cars were the worst offenders; though a sizeable number of quire new cars were also identified as gross polluters, they were simply badly tuned. California has developed a scheme to get these gross polluters off rhe streets: they offer a flat $700 for any old, run-down vehicle driven in by its owner. The aim is to remove rhe heaviesr-polluring, most decrepit vehicles from rhe roads. As part of a European Union environmental programme, a London council is resting an infra-red specrrometer from rhe University of Denver in Colorado. It gauges the pollution from a passing vehicle - more useful than the annual stationary rest that is the British standard today - by bouncing a beam through the exhaust and measuring what gets blocked. The councils next step may be to link the system to a computerised video camera able to read number plates automatically. The effort to clean up cars may do little to cut pollution if nothing is done about the tendency to drive them more. Los Angeles has some of the worlds cleanest cars - far better than those of Europe - but the total number of miles those cars drive continues to grow. One solution is car-pooling, an arrangement in which a number of people who share the same destination share the use of one car. However, the average number of people in o car on the freeway in Los Angeles, which is 1.0, has been falling steadily. Increasing it would be an effecrive way of reducing emissions as well as easing congestion. The trouble is, Los Angelenos seem to like being alone in their cars. Singapore has for a while had o scheme that forces drivers to buy a badge if they wish to visit a certain parr of the city. Electronic innovations make possible increasing sophistication: rates can vary according to road conditions, time of day and so on. Singapore is advancing in this direction, with a city-wide network of transmittets to collect information and charge drivers as they pass certain points. Such road-pricing, however, can be conrroversial. When the local government in Cambridge, England, considered introducing Singaporean techniques, it faced vocal and ultimately successful opposition. Part Two The scope of the problem facing the worlds cities is immense. In 1992, the United Nations Environmental Programme and the World Healrh Organisation (WHO) concluded that all of a sample of twenty megacities - places likely to have more than ten million inhabitants in the year 2000 - already exceeded the level the WHO deems healthy in at least one major pollutant. Two-thirds of them exceeded the guidelines for two, seven for three or more. Of the six pollutants monitored by the WHO - carbon dioxide, nittogen dioxide, ozone, sulphur dioxide, lead and parriculate matter - it is this last category rhar is attracting the most attention from health researchers. PM10, a sub-category of particulate matter measuring ten-millionths of a mette across, has been implicated in thousands of deaths a year in Britain alone. Research being conducred in two counties of Southern California is reaching similarly disturbing conclusions concerning this little- understood pollutant. A world-wide rise in allergies, particularly asthma, over the past four decades is now said to be linked with increased air pollution. The lungs and brains of children who grow up in pollured air offer further evidence of its desttuctive power The old and ill, however, are the most vulnerable to the acute effects of heavily polluted stagnant air. It con actually hasten death, os it did in December 1991 when a cloud of exhaust fumes lingered over the city of London for over a week. The United Nations has estimated that in the year 2000 there will be twenty-four mega-cities and a further eighty-five cities of more than three million people. The ptessure on public officials, corporations and urban citizens to reverse established trends in air pollution is likely to grow in proportion with the growth of cities themselves. Progress is being made. The quesrion, though, remains rhe same: Will change happen quickly enough? | Charging drivers for entering certain parts of the city has been successfully done in Cambridge, England. | c |
id_4724 | Possessing a Hoax Bomb is a crime when any device or package is used with the intent of making another person believe it is an explosive device or if it causes alarm or reaction by public safety officials. | Greg has an eight-inch length of pipe filled with finely ground coffee beans and plugged with wax. He places it in his boss's locker at work and waits for her reaction. This situation is the best example of a Hoax Bomb. | e |
id_4725 | Possessing a Hoax Bomb is a crime when any device or package is used with the intent of making another person believe it is an explosive device or if it causes alarm or reaction by public safety officials. | Ian is working on a project in the metal shop at school. The instructor notices that Ian is holding a softball-sized black hunk of material that appears to have a fuse trailing from the opening at the top. Ian tells him he was trying to make an oil lamp. This situation is the best example of a Hoax Bomb. | c |
id_4726 | Possessing a Hoax Bomb is a crime when any device or package is used with the intent of making another person believe it is an explosive device or if it causes alarm or reaction by public safety officials. | Harriet is waiting in line at the airport to pass through the metal detector. Security personnel notice a small, pineapple-shaped metal object that looks like a hand grenade in her purse. It turns out to be agift wrapped cigarette lighter. This situation is the best example of a Hoax Bomb. | c |
id_4727 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a non-domestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggest production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity ofregional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as full-time craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of then craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550 1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced, by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining then characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty lines; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting fiom the number of containers they carried in then ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins. ) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. H. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | There are plans to excavate new areas of the archaeological site in the near future. | n |
id_4728 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a non-domestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggest production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity ofregional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as full-time craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of then craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550 1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced, by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining then characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty lines; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting fiom the number of containers they carried in then ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins. ) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. H. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | Some of the evidence concerning pottery production in ancient Akrotiri comes from written records. | c |
id_4729 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a non-domestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggest production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity ofregional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as full-time craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of then craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550 1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced, by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining then characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty lines; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting fiom the number of containers they carried in then ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins. ) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. H. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | Pots for transporting liquids would have held no more than about 20 litres. | e |
id_4730 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a non-domestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggest production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity ofregional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as full-time craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of then craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550 1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced, by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining then characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty lines; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting fiom the number of containers they carried in then ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins. ) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. H. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | It would have been hard for merchants to calculate how much wine was on their ships. | c |
id_4731 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a non-domestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggest production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity ofregional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as full-time craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of then craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550 1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced, by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining then characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty lines; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting fiom the number of containers they carried in then ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins. ) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. H. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | The capacity of containers intended to hold the same amounts differed by up to 20 percent. | e |
id_4732 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a non-domestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggest production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity ofregional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as full-time craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of then craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550 1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced, by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining then characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty lines; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting fiom the number of containers they carried in then ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins. ) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. H. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | Regular trading of goods around the Aegean would have led to the general standardisation of quantities. | e |
id_4733 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a nondomestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggests production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity of regional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as fulltime craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of their craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550-1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining their characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty litres; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting from the number of containers they carried in their ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | The capacity of containers intended to hold the same amounts differed by up to 20 percent. | e |
id_4734 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a nondomestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggests production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity of regional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as fulltime craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of their craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550-1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining their characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty litres; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting from the number of containers they carried in their ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | It would have been hard for merchants to calculate how much wine was on their ships. | c |
id_4735 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a nondomestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggests production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity of regional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as fulltime craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of their craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550-1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining their characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty litres; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting from the number of containers they carried in their ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | Some of the evidence concerning pottery production in ancient Akrotiri comes from written records. | c |
id_4736 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a nondomestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggests production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity of regional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as fulltime craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of their craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550-1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining their characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty litres; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting from the number of containers they carried in their ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | There are plans to excavate new areas of the archaeological site in the near future. | n |
id_4737 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a nondomestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggests production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity of regional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as fulltime craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of their craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550-1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining their characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty litres; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting from the number of containers they carried in their ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | Regular trading of goods around the Aegean would have led to the general standardisation of quantities. | e |
id_4738 | Pottery production in ancient Akrotiri Excavations at the site of prehistoric Akrotiri, on the coast of the Aegean Sea, have revealed much about the technical aspects of pottery manufacture, indisputably one of the basic industries of this Greek city. However, considerably less is known about the socio-economic context and the way production was organised. The bulk of pottery found at Akrotiri is locally made, and dates from the late fifteenth century BC. It clearly fulfilled a vast range of the settlements requirements: more than fifty different types of pots can be distinguished. The pottery found includes a wide variety of functional types like storage jars, smaller containers, pouring vessels, cooking pots, drinking vessels and so on, which all relate to specific activities and which would have been made and distributed with those activities in mind. Given the large number of shapes produced and the relatively high degree of standardisation, it has generally been assumed that most, if not all, of Akrotiri pottery was produced by specialised craftsmen in a nondomestic context. Unfortunately neither the potters workshops nor kilns have been found within the excavated area. The reason may be that the ceramic workshops were located on the periphery of the site, which has not yet been excavated. In any event, the ubiquity of the pottery, and the consistent repetition of the same types in different sizes, suggests production on an industrial scale. The Akrotirian potters seem to have responded to pressures beyond their households, namely to the increasing complexity of regional distribution and exchange systems. We can imagine them as fulltime craftsmen working permanently in a high production-rate craft such as pottery manufacture, and supporting themselves entirely from the proceeds of their craft. In view of the above, one can begin to speak in terms of mass-produced pottery and the existence of organised workshops of craftsmen during the period 1550-1500 BC. Yet, how pottery production was organised at Akrotiri remains an open question, as there is no real documentary evidence. Our entire knowledge comes from the ceramic material itself, and the tentative conclusions which can be drawn from it. The invention of units of quantity and of a numerical system to count them was of capital importance for an exchange-geared society such as that of Akrotiri. In spite of the absence of any written records, the archaeological evidence reveals that concepts of measurements, both of weight and number, had been formulated. Standard measures may already have been in operation, such as those evidenced by a graduated series of lead weights made in disc form found at the site. The existence of units of capacity in Late Bronze Age times is also evidenced by the notation of units of a liquid measure for wine on excavated containers. It must be recognised that the function of pottery vessels plays a very important role in determining their characteristics. The intended function affects the choice of clay, the production technique, and the shape and the size of the pots. For example, large storage jars (pithoi) would be needed to store commodities, whereas smaller containers would be used for transport. In fact, the length of a mans arm limits the size of a smaller pot to a capacity of about twenty litres; that is also the maximum a man can comfortably carry. The various sizes of container would thus represent standard quantities of a commodity, which is a fundamental element in the function of exchange. Akrotirian merchants handling a commodity such as wine would have been able to determine easily the amount of wine they were transporting from the number of containers they carried in their ships, since the capacity of each container was known to be 14-18 litres. (We could draw a parallel here with the current practice in Greece of selling oil in 17 kilogram tins) We may therefore assume that the shape, capacity, and, sometimes decoration of vessels are indicative of the commodity contained by them. Since individual transactions would normally involve different quantities of a given commodity, a range of standardised types of vessel would be needed to meet traders requirements. In trying to reconstruct systems of capacity by measuring the volume of excavated pottery, a rather generous range of tolerances must be allowed. It seems possible that the potters of that time had specific sizes of vessel in mind, and tried to reproduce them using a specific type and amount of clay. However, it would be quite difficult for them to achieve the exact size required every time, without any mechanical means of regulating symmetry and wall thickness, and some potters would be more skilled than others. In addition, variations in the repetition of types and size may also occur because of unforeseen circumstances during the throwing process. For instance, instead of destroying the entire pot if the clay in the rim contained a piece of grit, a potter might produce a smaller pot by simply cutting off the rim. Even where there is no noticeable external difference between pots meant to contain the same quantity of a commodity, differences in their capacity can actually reach one or two litres. In one case the deviation from the required size appears to be as much as 10-20 percent. The establishment of regular trade routes within the Aegean led to increased movement of goods; consequently a regular exchange of local, luxury and surplus goods, including metals, would have become feasible as a result of the advances in transport technology. The increased demand for standardised exchanges, inextricably linked to commercial transactions, might have been one of the main factors which led to the standardisation of pottery production. Thus, the whole network of ceramic production and exchange would have depended on specific regional economic conditions, and would reflect the socio-economic structure of prehistoric Akrotiri. | Pots for transporting liquids would have held no more than about 20 litres. | e |
id_4739 | Predicting earthquakes using observable phenomena like phases of the moon, cloud formations, weather conditions or animal behaviour is a controversial and, some would say, impossible task. There is little or no verifiable evidence to link any of these phenomena to predictions of actual seismic activity. Early detection, as a means of advance warning, is far more reliable than future prediction and can be done by measuring primary waves (referred to as P-Waves). Prediction is much flakier science than detection. These non-destructive waves travel faster through the earth's crust than the harmful and destructive secondary waves and so can provide a valuable, albeit short, advance warning. This effect of different speed waves can be likened to the relationship between light and sound; we see lightning before we hear the thunder. Some people believe that animals can detect P-Waves and that this is what causes them to start behaving strangely. Other possibilities of animals behaviour shortly before an earthquake are that they are reacting to the low-frequency electromagnetic signals caused by the fracturing of crystalline rock during the early stages of an earthquake. | Methods of detecting earthquakes are more reliable than methods of predicting earthquakes. | e |
id_4740 | Predicting earthquakes using observable phenomena like phases of the moon, cloud formations, weather conditions or animal behaviour is a controversial and, some would say, impossible task. There is little or no verifiable evidence to link any of these phenomena to predictions of actual seismic activity. Early detection, as a means of advance warning, is far more reliable than future prediction and can be done by measuring primary waves (referred to as P-Waves). Prediction is much flakier science than detection. These non-destructive waves travel faster through the earth's crust than the harmful and destructive secondary waves and so can provide a valuable, albeit short, advance warning. This effect of different speed waves can be likened to the relationship between light and sound; we see lightning before we hear the thunder. Some people believe that animals can detect P-Waves and that this is what causes them to start behaving strangely. Other possibilities of animals behaviour shortly before an earthquake are that they are reacting to the low-frequency electromagnetic signals caused by the fracturing of crystalline rock during the early stages of an earthquake. | Electromagnetic signals can be caused by the fracturing of crystalline rock. | e |
id_4741 | Predicting earthquakes using observable phenomena like phases of the moon, cloud formations, weather conditions or animal behaviour is a controversial and, some would say, impossible task. There is little or no verifiable evidence to link any of these phenomena to predictions of actual seismic activity. Early detection, as a means of advance warning, is far more reliable than future prediction and can be done by measuring primary waves (referred to as P-Waves). Prediction is much flakier science than detection. These non-destructive waves travel faster through the earth's crust than the harmful and destructive secondary waves and so can provide a valuable, albeit short, advance warning. This effect of different speed waves can be likened to the relationship between light and sound; we see lightning before we hear the thunder. Some people believe that animals can detect P-Waves and that this is what causes them to start behaving strangely. Other possibilities of animals behaviour shortly before an earthquake are that they are reacting to the low-frequency electromagnetic signals caused by the fracturing of crystalline rock during the early stages of an earthquake. | Primary waves travel at a similar speed to sound waves. | n |
id_4742 | Prions (short for proteinaceous infectious particle) are infectious protein structures that replicate through conversion of normal host proteins of the same type. Though the exact mechanisms of their actions and reproduction are unknown, it is now commonly accepted that prions are responsible for a number of previously known but little-understood diseases generally classified under transmissible spongiform encephalopathy diseases (TSEs), including scrapie (a disease of sheep), Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD) and bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE or mad cow disease). These diseases affect the structure of brain tissue and all are fatal and untreatable. Not all prions are dangerous; in fact, prion-like proteins are found naturally in many (perhaps all) plants and animals. Because of this, scientists reasoned that such proteins could give some sort of evolutionary advantage to their host. | TSE, BSE and scrapie are all forms of CJD. | c |
id_4743 | Prions (short for proteinaceous infectious particle) are infectious protein structures that replicate through conversion of normal host proteins of the same type. Though the exact mechanisms of their actions and reproduction are unknown, it is now commonly accepted that prions are responsible for a number of previously known but little-understood diseases generally classified under transmissible spongiform encephalopathy diseases (TSEs), including scrapie (a disease of sheep), Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD) and bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE or mad cow disease). These diseases affect the structure of brain tissue and all are fatal and untreatable. Not all prions are dangerous; in fact, prion-like proteins are found naturally in many (perhaps all) plants and animals. Because of this, scientists reasoned that such proteins could give some sort of evolutionary advantage to their host. | Prions replicate using proteins from the host animal. | e |
id_4744 | Prions (short for proteinaceous infectious particle) are infectious protein structures that replicate through conversion of normal host proteins of the same type. Though the exact mechanisms of their actions and reproduction are unknown, it is now commonly accepted that prions are responsible for a number of previously known but little-understood diseases generally classified under transmissible spongiform encephalopathy diseases (TSEs), including scrapie (a disease of sheep), Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD) and bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE or mad cow disease). These diseases affect the structure of brain tissue and all are fatal and untreatable. Not all prions are dangerous; in fact, prion-like proteins are found naturally in many (perhaps all) plants and animals. Because of this, scientists reasoned that such proteins could give some sort of evolutionary advantage to their host. | Prion diseases are not all dangerous and could give some evolutionary advantage to their host. | c |
id_4745 | Prions (short for proteinaceous infectious particle) are infectious protein structures that replicate through conversion of normal host proteins of the same type. Though the exact mechanisms of their actions and reproduction are unknown, it is now commonly accepted that prions are responsible for a number of previously known but little-understood diseases generally classified under transmissible spongiform encephalopathy diseases (TSEs), including scrapie (a disease of sheep), Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD) and bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE or mad cow disease). These diseases affect the structure of brain tissue and all are fatal and untreatable. Not all prions are dangerous; in fact, prion-like proteins are found naturally in many (perhaps all) plants and animals. Because of this, scientists reasoned that such proteins could give some sort of evolutionary advantage to their host. | Scrapie is untreatable. | e |
id_4746 | Prions (short for proteinaceous infectious particle) are infectious protein structures that replicate through conversion of normal host proteins of the same type. Though the exact mechanisms of their actions and reproduction are unknown, it is now commonly accepted that prions are responsible for a number of previously known but little-understood diseases generally classified under transmissible spongiform encephalopathy diseases (TSEs), including scrapie (a disease of sheep), Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD) and bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE or mad cow disease). These diseases affect the structure of brain tissue and all are fatal and untreatable. Not all prions are dangerous; in fact, prion-like proteins are found naturally in many (perhaps all) plants and animals. Because of this, scientists reasoned that such proteins could give some sort of evolutionary advantage to their host. | Prions are thought to be responsible for mad cow disease. | e |
id_4747 | Private airline companies have always been determined to operate a transport system that is safe for passengers, whilst still remaining competitively priced and commercially viable. However, a private sector business can only remain viable if it generates profits for its shareholders. Recent reports suggest that if all aircrafts were fitted with military derived Ground-to-air missile defence system, and at all airports there was infallible screening for weapons and explosives then the system would be much safer. However, totally effective screening would preclude all possibility of profit, and current systems are still very thorough, whilst also providing a good cost; benefit ratio. | Current airline security systems provide the best possible mix of cost against benefit. | n |
id_4748 | Private airline companies have always been determined to operate a transport system that is safe for passengers, whilst still remaining competitively priced and commercially viable. However, a private sector business can only remain viable if it generates profits for its shareholders. Recent reports suggest that if all aircrafts were fitted with military derived Ground-to-air missile defence system, and at all airports there was infallible screening for weapons and explosives then the system would be much safer. However, totally effective screening would preclude all possibility of profit, and current systems are still very thorough, whilst also providing a good cost; benefit ratio. | More effective airline security systems than are currently in use are available. | e |
id_4749 | Private airline companies have always been determined to operate a transport system that is safe for passengers, whilst still remaining competitively priced and commercially viable. However, a private sector business can only remain viable if it generates profits for its shareholders. Recent reports suggest that if all aircrafts were fitted with military derived Ground-to-air missile defence system, and at all airports there was infallible screening for weapons and explosives then the system would be much safer. However, totally effective screening would preclude all possibility of profit, and current systems are still very thorough, whilst also providing a good cost; benefit ratio. | Military aircraft are safer than commercial craft. | n |
id_4750 | Private airline companies have always been determined to operate a transport system that is safe for passengers, whilst still remaining competitively priced and commercially viable. However, a private sector business can only remain viable if it generates profits for its shareholders. Recent reports suggest that if all aircrafts were fitted with military derived ground-to-air missile defense system, and at all airports there was infallible screening for weapons and explosives then the system would be much safer. However, totally effective screening would preclude all possibility of profit, and current systems are still very thorough, whilst also providing a good cost-benefit ratio. | More effective airline security systems than are currently in use are available. | e |
id_4751 | Private airline companies have always been determined to operate a transport system that is safe for passengers, whilst still remaining competitively priced and commercially viable. However, a private sector business can only remain viable if it generates profits for its shareholders. Recent reports suggest that if all aircrafts were fitted with military derived ground-to-air missile defense system, and at all airports there was infallible screening for weapons and explosives then the system would be much safer. However, totally effective screening would preclude all possibility of profit, and current systems are still very thorough, whilst also providing a good cost-benefit ratio. | Current airline security systems provide the best possible mix of cost against benefit. | n |
id_4752 | Private airline companies have always been determined to operate a transport system that is safe for passengers, whilst still remaining competitively priced and commercially viable. However, a private sector business can only remain viable if it generates profits for its shareholders. Recent reports suggest that if all aircrafts were fitted with military derived ground-to-air missile defense system, and at all airports there was infallible screening for weapons and explosives then the system would be much safer. However, totally effective screening would preclude all possibility of profit, and current systems are still very thorough, whilst also providing a good cost-benefit ratio. | Military aircraft are safer than commercial craft. | n |
id_4753 | Private property, trespassers will be prosecuted- A notice on a plot of land. | The passerby may read the notice and may not trespass. | e |
id_4754 | Private property, trespassers will be prosecuted- A notice on a plot of land. | The people are scared of prosecution. | e |
id_4755 | Problems with Water Nearly half the worlds population will experience critical water shortages by 2025, according to the United Nations (UN). Wars over access to water are a rising possibility in this century and the main conflicts in Africa during the next 25 years could be over this most precious of commodities, as countries fight for access to scarce resources. Potential water wars are likely in areas where rivers and lakes are shared by more than one country, says Mark Evans a UN worker. Evans predicts that population growth and economic development will lead to nearly one in two people in Africa living in countries facing water scarcity or what is known as water stress within 25 years. Water scarcity is defined as less than 1,000 cubic metres of water available per person per year, while water stress means less than 1,500 cubic metres of water is available per person per year. The report says that by 2025, 12 more African countries will join the 13 that already suffer from water stress or water scarcity. What makes the water issue even more urgent is that demand for water will grow increasingly fast as larger areas are placed under crops and economic development. Evans adds that the strong possibility that the world is experiencing climate change also adds to this urgency. How to deal with water shortages is in the forefront of the battle between environmental activists on the one hand and governments and construction firms on the other. At the recent World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg activists continued their campaign to halt dam construction, while many governments were outraged about a vocal minority thwarting their plans. One of the UNs eight millennium development goals is to halve the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water by 2015. How to ensure this happens was one of the big issues of the summit. Much of the text on this was already agreed, but one of the unresolved issues in the implementation plan was whether the goal on water would be extended to cover sanitation. The risks posed by water-borne diseases in the absence of sanitation facilities means the two goals are closely related. Only US negotiators have been resisting the extension of goals to include sanitation due to the financial commitment this would entail. However, Evans says the US is about to agree to this extension. This agreement could give the UN a chance to show that in one key area the world development agenda was advanced in Johannesburg. But the UN has said Johannesburg was not about words alone, but implementation. A number of projects and funding initiatives were unveiled at the summit. But implementation is always harder, as South Africa has experienced in its water programme. Graham Bennetts, a water official in the South African government explains: Since the 1994 elections government has provided easy access to water to 7 million people, but extending this to a further 7 million and ensuring this progress is sustainable is one of South Africas foremost implementation challenges. In South Africa, access to water is defined as 25 litres a person daily, within a distance of 200m from where they live. Although South Africas feat far exceeds the UN millennium goal on water supply, severe constraints on local government capacity make a more rapid expansion difficult, says Bennetts. For some of those who have only recently been given ready access to water, their gains are under threat as the number of cut-offs by municipalities for non-payment rise, says Liane Greef of the Environmental Monitoring Group. Greef is programme manager for Water Justice in southern Africa. Those who have their water supply cut off also automatically forfeit their right to 6000 free litres of water for a family a month under South Africas water for all policy. In the face of continued increases in unemployment, payment for water and other utilities has the potential to fast undo governments high profile feats in delivery since 1994. It is also the way of ensuring sufficient water supply and its management that will increasingly become a political battleground in South Africa. Water Affairs director-general Mike Muller says South Africa is near the end of its dam-building programme. However, there are big projects proposed elsewhere in southern Africa that could possibly be halted by activists who could bring pressure on funding agencies such as the World Bank. Greef says her group will campaign during the summit against the proposed Skuifraam Dam, which would be built near Franschhoek to supply additional water to Cape Town. Rather than rely on new dam construction, the city should ensure that water is used wisely at all times rather than only in dry spells, Greef says. Another battleground for her group is over the privatisation of water supply, she says. Water supply, she insists, is best handled in the public interest by accountable government. There is increasing hope from advances in technology to deal with water shortages. It is agricultural production which takes up about 90% of water consumed for human purposes, says the UN. To lower agricultural demand for water the Sri Lanka-based International Water Management Institute is researching ways of obtaining more crop per drop through the development of drought resistant crops, as well as through better water management techniques. One of the institutes research sites is the Limpopo River basin. According to the institutes director-general, Frank Rijsbereman, rice growers in China use a quarter of the water a ton of produce to those in South Africa. The institute hopes the green revolution in crop productivity will soon be matched by the blue revolution in improving water utilisation in agriculture. | Questions at the World Summit over including water sanitation have not yet been agreed. | e |
id_4756 | Problems with Water Nearly half the worlds population will experience critical water shortages by 2025, according to the United Nations (UN). Wars over access to water are a rising possibility in this century and the main conflicts in Africa during the next 25 years could be over this most precious of commodities, as countries fight for access to scarce resources. Potential water wars are likely in areas where rivers and lakes are shared by more than one country, says Mark Evans a UN worker. Evans predicts that population growth and economic development will lead to nearly one in two people in Africa living in countries facing water scarcity or what is known as water stress within 25 years. Water scarcity is defined as less than 1,000 cubic metres of water available per person per year, while water stress means less than 1,500 cubic metres of water is available per person per year. The report says that by 2025, 12 more African countries will join the 13 that already suffer from water stress or water scarcity. What makes the water issue even more urgent is that demand for water will grow increasingly fast as larger areas are placed under crops and economic development. Evans adds that the strong possibility that the world is experiencing climate change also adds to this urgency. How to deal with water shortages is in the forefront of the battle between environmental activists on the one hand and governments and construction firms on the other. At the recent World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg activists continued their campaign to halt dam construction, while many governments were outraged about a vocal minority thwarting their plans. One of the UNs eight millennium development goals is to halve the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water by 2015. How to ensure this happens was one of the big issues of the summit. Much of the text on this was already agreed, but one of the unresolved issues in the implementation plan was whether the goal on water would be extended to cover sanitation. The risks posed by water-borne diseases in the absence of sanitation facilities means the two goals are closely related. Only US negotiators have been resisting the extension of goals to include sanitation due to the financial commitment this would entail. However, Evans says the US is about to agree to this extension. This agreement could give the UN a chance to show that in one key area the world development agenda was advanced in Johannesburg. But the UN has said Johannesburg was not about words alone, but implementation. A number of projects and funding initiatives were unveiled at the summit. But implementation is always harder, as South Africa has experienced in its water programme. Graham Bennetts, a water official in the South African government explains: Since the 1994 elections government has provided easy access to water to 7 million people, but extending this to a further 7 million and ensuring this progress is sustainable is one of South Africas foremost implementation challenges. In South Africa, access to water is defined as 25 litres a person daily, within a distance of 200m from where they live. Although South Africas feat far exceeds the UN millennium goal on water supply, severe constraints on local government capacity make a more rapid expansion difficult, says Bennetts. For some of those who have only recently been given ready access to water, their gains are under threat as the number of cut-offs by municipalities for non-payment rise, says Liane Greef of the Environmental Monitoring Group. Greef is programme manager for Water Justice in southern Africa. Those who have their water supply cut off also automatically forfeit their right to 6000 free litres of water for a family a month under South Africas water for all policy. In the face of continued increases in unemployment, payment for water and other utilities has the potential to fast undo governments high profile feats in delivery since 1994. It is also the way of ensuring sufficient water supply and its management that will increasingly become a political battleground in South Africa. Water Affairs director-general Mike Muller says South Africa is near the end of its dam-building programme. However, there are big projects proposed elsewhere in southern Africa that could possibly be halted by activists who could bring pressure on funding agencies such as the World Bank. Greef says her group will campaign during the summit against the proposed Skuifraam Dam, which would be built near Franschhoek to supply additional water to Cape Town. Rather than rely on new dam construction, the city should ensure that water is used wisely at all times rather than only in dry spells, Greef says. Another battleground for her group is over the privatisation of water supply, she says. Water supply, she insists, is best handled in the public interest by accountable government. There is increasing hope from advances in technology to deal with water shortages. It is agricultural production which takes up about 90% of water consumed for human purposes, says the UN. To lower agricultural demand for water the Sri Lanka-based International Water Management Institute is researching ways of obtaining more crop per drop through the development of drought resistant crops, as well as through better water management techniques. One of the institutes research sites is the Limpopo River basin. According to the institutes director-general, Frank Rijsbereman, rice growers in China use a quarter of the water a ton of produce to those in South Africa. The institute hopes the green revolution in crop productivity will soon be matched by the blue revolution in improving water utilisation in agriculture. | Vocal environment activists were arrested at the World Summit. | n |
id_4757 | Problems with Water Nearly half the worlds population will experience critical water shortages by 2025, according to the United Nations (UN). Wars over access to water are a rising possibility in this century and the main conflicts in Africa during the next 25 years could be over this most precious of commodities, as countries fight for access to scarce resources. Potential water wars are likely in areas where rivers and lakes are shared by more than one country, says Mark Evans a UN worker. Evans predicts that population growth and economic development will lead to nearly one in two people in Africa living in countries facing water scarcity or what is known as water stress within 25 years. Water scarcity is defined as less than 1,000 cubic metres of water available per person per year, while water stress means less than 1,500 cubic metres of water is available per person per year. The report says that by 2025, 12 more African countries will join the 13 that already suffer from water stress or water scarcity. What makes the water issue even more urgent is that demand for water will grow increasingly fast as larger areas are placed under crops and economic development. Evans adds that the strong possibility that the world is experiencing climate change also adds to this urgency. How to deal with water shortages is in the forefront of the battle between environmental activists on the one hand and governments and construction firms on the other. At the recent World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg activists continued their campaign to halt dam construction, while many governments were outraged about a vocal minority thwarting their plans. One of the UNs eight millennium development goals is to halve the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water by 2015. How to ensure this happens was one of the big issues of the summit. Much of the text on this was already agreed, but one of the unresolved issues in the implementation plan was whether the goal on water would be extended to cover sanitation. The risks posed by water-borne diseases in the absence of sanitation facilities means the two goals are closely related. Only US negotiators have been resisting the extension of goals to include sanitation due to the financial commitment this would entail. However, Evans says the US is about to agree to this extension. This agreement could give the UN a chance to show that in one key area the world development agenda was advanced in Johannesburg. But the UN has said Johannesburg was not about words alone, but implementation. A number of projects and funding initiatives were unveiled at the summit. But implementation is always harder, as South Africa has experienced in its water programme. Graham Bennetts, a water official in the South African government explains: Since the 1994 elections government has provided easy access to water to 7 million people, but extending this to a further 7 million and ensuring this progress is sustainable is one of South Africas foremost implementation challenges. In South Africa, access to water is defined as 25 litres a person daily, within a distance of 200m from where they live. Although South Africas feat far exceeds the UN millennium goal on water supply, severe constraints on local government capacity make a more rapid expansion difficult, says Bennetts. For some of those who have only recently been given ready access to water, their gains are under threat as the number of cut-offs by municipalities for non-payment rise, says Liane Greef of the Environmental Monitoring Group. Greef is programme manager for Water Justice in southern Africa. Those who have their water supply cut off also automatically forfeit their right to 6000 free litres of water for a family a month under South Africas water for all policy. In the face of continued increases in unemployment, payment for water and other utilities has the potential to fast undo governments high profile feats in delivery since 1994. It is also the way of ensuring sufficient water supply and its management that will increasingly become a political battleground in South Africa. Water Affairs director-general Mike Muller says South Africa is near the end of its dam-building programme. However, there are big projects proposed elsewhere in southern Africa that could possibly be halted by activists who could bring pressure on funding agencies such as the World Bank. Greef says her group will campaign during the summit against the proposed Skuifraam Dam, which would be built near Franschhoek to supply additional water to Cape Town. Rather than rely on new dam construction, the city should ensure that water is used wisely at all times rather than only in dry spells, Greef says. Another battleground for her group is over the privatisation of water supply, she says. Water supply, she insists, is best handled in the public interest by accountable government. There is increasing hope from advances in technology to deal with water shortages. It is agricultural production which takes up about 90% of water consumed for human purposes, says the UN. To lower agricultural demand for water the Sri Lanka-based International Water Management Institute is researching ways of obtaining more crop per drop through the development of drought resistant crops, as well as through better water management techniques. One of the institutes research sites is the Limpopo River basin. According to the institutes director-general, Frank Rijsbereman, rice growers in China use a quarter of the water a ton of produce to those in South Africa. The institute hopes the green revolution in crop productivity will soon be matched by the blue revolution in improving water utilisation in agriculture. | A recent report says by 2025 that 25 African countries will suffer from water scarcity alone. | c |
id_4758 | Problems with Water Nearly half the worlds population will experience critical water shortages by 2025, according to the United Nations (UN). Wars over access to water are a rising possibility in this century and the main conflicts in Africa during the next 25 years could be over this most precious of commodities, as countries fight for access to scarce resources. Potential water wars are likely in areas where rivers and lakes are shared by more than one country, says Mark Evans a UN worker. Evans predicts that population growth and economic development will lead to nearly one in two people in Africa living in countries facing water scarcity or what is known as water stress within 25 years. Water scarcity is defined as less than 1,000 cubic metres of water available per person per year, while water stress means less than 1,500 cubic metres of water is available per person per year. The report says that by 2025, 12 more African countries will join the 13 that already suffer from water stress or water scarcity. What makes the water issue even more urgent is that demand for water will grow increasingly fast as larger areas are placed under crops and economic development. Evans adds that the strong possibility that the world is experiencing climate change also adds to this urgency. How to deal with water shortages is in the forefront of the battle between environmental activists on the one hand and governments and construction firms on the other. At the recent World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg activists continued their campaign to halt dam construction, while many governments were outraged about a vocal minority thwarting their plans. One of the UNs eight millennium development goals is to halve the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water by 2015. How to ensure this happens was one of the big issues of the summit. Much of the text on this was already agreed, but one of the unresolved issues in the implementation plan was whether the goal on water would be extended to cover sanitation. The risks posed by water-borne diseases in the absence of sanitation facilities means the two goals are closely related. Only US negotiators have been resisting the extension of goals to include sanitation due to the financial commitment this would entail. However, Evans says the US is about to agree to this extension. This agreement could give the UN a chance to show that in one key area the world development agenda was advanced in Johannesburg. But the UN has said Johannesburg was not about words alone, but implementation. A number of projects and funding initiatives were unveiled at the summit. But implementation is always harder, as South Africa has experienced in its water programme. Graham Bennetts, a water official in the South African government explains: Since the 1994 elections government has provided easy access to water to 7 million people, but extending this to a further 7 million and ensuring this progress is sustainable is one of South Africas foremost implementation challenges. In South Africa, access to water is defined as 25 litres a person daily, within a distance of 200m from where they live. Although South Africas feat far exceeds the UN millennium goal on water supply, severe constraints on local government capacity make a more rapid expansion difficult, says Bennetts. For some of those who have only recently been given ready access to water, their gains are under threat as the number of cut-offs by municipalities for non-payment rise, says Liane Greef of the Environmental Monitoring Group. Greef is programme manager for Water Justice in southern Africa. Those who have their water supply cut off also automatically forfeit their right to 6000 free litres of water for a family a month under South Africas water for all policy. In the face of continued increases in unemployment, payment for water and other utilities has the potential to fast undo governments high profile feats in delivery since 1994. It is also the way of ensuring sufficient water supply and its management that will increasingly become a political battleground in South Africa. Water Affairs director-general Mike Muller says South Africa is near the end of its dam-building programme. However, there are big projects proposed elsewhere in southern Africa that could possibly be halted by activists who could bring pressure on funding agencies such as the World Bank. Greef says her group will campaign during the summit against the proposed Skuifraam Dam, which would be built near Franschhoek to supply additional water to Cape Town. Rather than rely on new dam construction, the city should ensure that water is used wisely at all times rather than only in dry spells, Greef says. Another battleground for her group is over the privatisation of water supply, she says. Water supply, she insists, is best handled in the public interest by accountable government. There is increasing hope from advances in technology to deal with water shortages. It is agricultural production which takes up about 90% of water consumed for human purposes, says the UN. To lower agricultural demand for water the Sri Lanka-based International Water Management Institute is researching ways of obtaining more crop per drop through the development of drought resistant crops, as well as through better water management techniques. One of the institutes research sites is the Limpopo River basin. According to the institutes director-general, Frank Rijsbereman, rice growers in China use a quarter of the water a ton of produce to those in South Africa. The institute hopes the green revolution in crop productivity will soon be matched by the blue revolution in improving water utilisation in agriculture. | Some African countries are currently at war over water resources. | n |
id_4759 | Problems with Water Nearly half the worlds population will experience critical water shortages by 2025, according to the United Nations (UN). Wars over access to water are a rising possibility in this century and the main conflicts in Africa during the next 25 years could be over this most precious of commodities, as countries fight for access to scarce resources. Potential water wars are likely in areas where rivers and lakes are shared by more than one country, says Mark Evans a UN worker. Evans predicts that population growth and economic development will lead to nearly one in two people in Africa living in countries facing water scarcity or what is known as water stress within 25 years. Water scarcity is defined as less than 1,000 cubic metres of water available per person per year, while water stress means less than 1,500 cubic metres of water is available per person per year. The report says that by 2025, 12 more African countries will join the 13 that already suffer from water stress or water scarcity. What makes the water issue even more urgent is that demand for water will grow increasingly fast as larger areas are placed under crops and economic development. Evans adds that the strong possibility that the world is experiencing climate change also adds to this urgency. How to deal with water shortages is in the forefront of the battle between environmental activists on the one hand and governments and construction firms on the other. At the recent World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg activists continued their campaign to halt dam construction, while many governments were outraged about a vocal minority thwarting their plans. One of the UNs eight millennium development goals is to halve the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water by 2015. How to ensure this happens was one of the big issues of the summit. Much of the text on this was already agreed, but one of the unresolved issues in the implementation plan was whether the goal on water would be extended to cover sanitation. The risks posed by water-borne diseases in the absence of sanitation facilities means the two goals are closely related. Only US negotiators have been resisting the extension of goals to include sanitation due to the financial commitment this would entail. However, Evans says the US is about to agree to this extension. This agreement could give the UN a chance to show that in one key area the world development agenda was advanced in Johannesburg. But the UN has said Johannesburg was not about words alone, but implementation. A number of projects and funding initiatives were unveiled at the summit. But implementation is always harder, as South Africa has experienced in its water programme. Graham Bennetts, a water official in the South African government explains: Since the 1994 elections government has provided easy access to water to 7 million people, but extending this to a further 7 million and ensuring this progress is sustainable is one of South Africas foremost implementation challenges. In South Africa, access to water is defined as 25 litres a person daily, within a distance of 200m from where they live. Although South Africas feat far exceeds the UN millennium goal on water supply, severe constraints on local government capacity make a more rapid expansion difficult, says Bennetts. For some of those who have only recently been given ready access to water, their gains are under threat as the number of cut-offs by municipalities for non-payment rise, says Liane Greef of the Environmental Monitoring Group. Greef is programme manager for Water Justice in southern Africa. Those who have their water supply cut off also automatically forfeit their right to 6000 free litres of water for a family a month under South Africas water for all policy. In the face of continued increases in unemployment, payment for water and other utilities has the potential to fast undo governments high profile feats in delivery since 1994. It is also the way of ensuring sufficient water supply and its management that will increasingly become a political battleground in South Africa. Water Affairs director-general Mike Muller says South Africa is near the end of its dam-building programme. However, there are big projects proposed elsewhere in southern Africa that could possibly be halted by activists who could bring pressure on funding agencies such as the World Bank. Greef says her group will campaign during the summit against the proposed Skuifraam Dam, which would be built near Franschhoek to supply additional water to Cape Town. Rather than rely on new dam construction, the city should ensure that water is used wisely at all times rather than only in dry spells, Greef says. Another battleground for her group is over the privatisation of water supply, she says. Water supply, she insists, is best handled in the public interest by accountable government. There is increasing hope from advances in technology to deal with water shortages. It is agricultural production which takes up about 90% of water consumed for human purposes, says the UN. To lower agricultural demand for water the Sri Lanka-based International Water Management Institute is researching ways of obtaining more crop per drop through the development of drought resistant crops, as well as through better water management techniques. One of the institutes research sites is the Limpopo River basin. According to the institutes director-general, Frank Rijsbereman, rice growers in China use a quarter of the water a ton of produce to those in South Africa. The institute hopes the green revolution in crop productivity will soon be matched by the blue revolution in improving water utilisation in agriculture. | Plants are being introduced that can flourish with little water. | e |
id_4760 | Problems with Water Nearly half the worlds population will experience critical water shortages by 2025, according to the United Nations (UN). Wars over access to water are a rising possibility in this century and the main conflicts in Africa during the next 25 years could be over this most precious of commodities, as countries fight for access to scarce resources. Potential water wars are likely in areas where rivers and lakes are shared by more than one country, says Mark Evans a UN worker. Evans predicts that population growth and economic development will lead to nearly one in two people in Africa living in countries facing water scarcity or what is known as water stress within 25 years. Water scarcity is defined as less than 1,000 cubic metres of water available per person per year, while water stress means less than 1,500 cubic metres of water is available per person per year. The report says that by 2025, 12 more African countries will join the 13 that already suffer from water stress or water scarcity. What makes the water issue even more urgent is that demand for water will grow increasingly fast as larger areas are placed under crops and economic development. Evans adds that the strong possibility that the world is experiencing climate change also adds to this urgency. How to deal with water shortages is in the forefront of the battle between environmental activists on the one hand and governments and construction firms on the other. At the recent World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg activists continued their campaign to halt dam construction, while many governments were outraged about a vocal minority thwarting their plans. One of the UNs eight millennium development goals is to halve the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water by 2015. How to ensure this happens was one of the big issues of the summit. Much of the text on this was already agreed, but one of the unresolved issues in the implementation plan was whether the goal on water would be extended to cover sanitation. The risks posed by water-borne diseases in the absence of sanitation facilities means the two goals are closely related. Only US negotiators have been resisting the extension of goals to include sanitation due to the financial commitment this would entail. However, Evans says the US is about to agree to this extension. This agreement could give the UN a chance to show that in one key area the world development agenda was advanced in Johannesburg. But the UN has said Johannesburg was not about words alone, but implementation. A number of projects and funding initiatives were unveiled at the summit. But implementation is always harder, as South Africa has experienced in its water programme. Graham Bennetts, a water official in the South African government explains: Since the 1994 elections government has provided easy access to water to 7 million people, but extending this to a further 7 million and ensuring this progress is sustainable is one of South Africas foremost implementation challenges. In South Africa, access to water is defined as 25 litres a person daily, within a distance of 200m from where they live. Although South Africas feat far exceeds the UN millennium goal on water supply, severe constraints on local government capacity make a more rapid expansion difficult, says Bennetts. For some of those who have only recently been given ready access to water, their gains are under threat as the number of cut-offs by municipalities for non-payment rise, says Liane Greef of the Environmental Monitoring Group. Greef is programme manager for Water Justice in southern Africa. Those who have their water supply cut off also automatically forfeit their right to 6000 free litres of water for a family a month under South Africas water for all policy. In the face of continued increases in unemployment, payment for water and other utilities has the potential to fast undo governments high profile feats in delivery since 1994. It is also the way of ensuring sufficient water supply and its management that will increasingly become a political battleground in South Africa. Water Affairs director-general Mike Muller says South Africa is near the end of its dam-building programme. However, there are big projects proposed elsewhere in southern Africa that could possibly be halted by activists who could bring pressure on funding agencies such as the World Bank. Greef says her group will campaign during the summit against the proposed Skuifraam Dam, which would be built near Franschhoek to supply additional water to Cape Town. Rather than rely on new dam construction, the city should ensure that water is used wisely at all times rather than only in dry spells, Greef says. Another battleground for her group is over the privatisation of water supply, she says. Water supply, she insists, is best handled in the public interest by accountable government. There is increasing hope from advances in technology to deal with water shortages. It is agricultural production which takes up about 90% of water consumed for human purposes, says the UN. To lower agricultural demand for water the Sri Lanka-based International Water Management Institute is researching ways of obtaining more crop per drop through the development of drought resistant crops, as well as through better water management techniques. One of the institutes research sites is the Limpopo River basin. According to the institutes director-general, Frank Rijsbereman, rice growers in China use a quarter of the water a ton of produce to those in South Africa. The institute hopes the green revolution in crop productivity will soon be matched by the blue revolution in improving water utilisation in agriculture. | The World Summit had many good ideas but had little contribution on how to put the ideas into practice. | n |
id_4761 | Program meals to be ready when you arrive home. TMIO brings you the Internet, cell phone, and telephone controlled IO professional series intelligent oven. TMIO creates unprecedented mobility for your household, and revolutionizes your lifestyle and cooking experience with the 30-inch dual oven, refrigerated, internet-controlled, connect io. A true dream appliance for those with busy lifestyles; dinner is ready when you are. This stainless-steel beauty lets you refrigerate your meal before you leave for work. You can then set cooking times with your cellphone, PDA or computer. Features: 30 inch Double Wall Oven fits standard kitchen cabinetry. Premium Quality 304 Brushed Stainless Steel finish provides an elegant complement to your kitchen. Largest Usable Capacity Oven youll never run out of room with our generously-sized oven cavities; 4.25 cubic feet, the largest available on any 30 inch double wall oven in its class. Larger Viewing Area on Oven Windows gives you a beautifully clear view and greater control. Glass stays comfortably and safely cool to the touch. Six Convenient Oven Racks, three ergonomically-designed racks per oven, with custom flared handles for easy handling even while wearing thick oven mitts. 3M ClearTekTM Glass Touch Screen Control Panel is a TMIOTM exclusive, an industry first, and based on advanced NASA space technology. Dual-Oven Advanced Refrigeration System for accurate and precision refrigeration control in both upper and lower ovens. Refrigerates Prior to Cooking Cycle or after cooking completed to keep food fresh. taste. A perfect solution for larger meats, fish, and poultry. 3300W Power delivered for fast preheat for beautifully broiled meats. Concealed elements present a smooth and even surface for effortless cleaning. True European Third-Element Convection with Two-Speed Convection Fans in both ovens for beautiful results in either baking or roasting modes. Solid perforated metal convection fan cover standard for your safety. Full-Rack Broiler Pan allows you to take true advantage of the full usable width of the oven for large entres. Only TMIO offers this exclusive full-rack broiler pan feature. Superior Insulation ensures minimum loss of heat and highest cooking efficiency through NASA advanced thermal ceramic space technology. Full Probe Dual Oven Cooking top or bottom ovens for precision cooking temperature and event control. Proofing, Defrosting, Dehydrating, Refrigeration modes in addition to standard bake, broil, roast, convection. | The TMOI has a lower 'pass' system than most high quality ovens. | c |
id_4762 | Program meals to be ready when you arrive home. TMIO brings you the Internet, cell phone, and telephone controlled IO professional series intelligent oven. TMIO creates unprecedented mobility for your household, and revolutionizes your lifestyle and cooking experience with the 30-inch dual oven, refrigerated, internet-controlled, connect io. A true dream appliance for those with busy lifestyles; dinner is ready when you are. This stainless-steel beauty lets you refrigerate your meal before you leave for work. You can then set cooking times with your cellphone, PDA or computer. Features: 30 inch Double Wall Oven fits standard kitchen cabinetry. Premium Quality 304 Brushed Stainless Steel finish provides an elegant complement to your kitchen. Largest Usable Capacity Oven youll never run out of room with our generously-sized oven cavities; 4.25 cubic feet, the largest available on any 30 inch double wall oven in its class. Larger Viewing Area on Oven Windows gives you a beautifully clear view and greater control. Glass stays comfortably and safely cool to the touch. Six Convenient Oven Racks, three ergonomically-designed racks per oven, with custom flared handles for easy handling even while wearing thick oven mitts. 3M ClearTekTM Glass Touch Screen Control Panel is a TMIOTM exclusive, an industry first, and based on advanced NASA space technology. Dual-Oven Advanced Refrigeration System for accurate and precision refrigeration control in both upper and lower ovens. Refrigerates Prior to Cooking Cycle or after cooking completed to keep food fresh. taste. A perfect solution for larger meats, fish, and poultry. 3300W Power delivered for fast preheat for beautifully broiled meats. Concealed elements present a smooth and even surface for effortless cleaning. True European Third-Element Convection with Two-Speed Convection Fans in both ovens for beautiful results in either baking or roasting modes. Solid perforated metal convection fan cover standard for your safety. Full-Rack Broiler Pan allows you to take true advantage of the full usable width of the oven for large entres. Only TMIO offers this exclusive full-rack broiler pan feature. Superior Insulation ensures minimum loss of heat and highest cooking efficiency through NASA advanced thermal ceramic space technology. Full Probe Dual Oven Cooking top or bottom ovens for precision cooking temperature and event control. Proofing, Defrosting, Dehydrating, Refrigeration modes in addition to standard bake, broil, roast, convection. | The amount of heat loss is reduced by using space technology. | e |
id_4763 | Program meals to be ready when you arrive home. TMIO brings you the Internet, cell phone, and telephone controlled IO professional series intelligent oven. TMIO creates unprecedented mobility for your household, and revolutionizes your lifestyle and cooking experience with the 30-inch dual oven, refrigerated, internet-controlled, connect io. A true dream appliance for those with busy lifestyles; dinner is ready when you are. This stainless-steel beauty lets you refrigerate your meal before you leave for work. You can then set cooking times with your cellphone, PDA or computer. Features: 30 inch Double Wall Oven fits standard kitchen cabinetry. Premium Quality 304 Brushed Stainless Steel finish provides an elegant complement to your kitchen. Largest Usable Capacity Oven youll never run out of room with our generously-sized oven cavities; 4.25 cubic feet, the largest available on any 30 inch double wall oven in its class. Larger Viewing Area on Oven Windows gives you a beautifully clear view and greater control. Glass stays comfortably and safely cool to the touch. Six Convenient Oven Racks, three ergonomically-designed racks per oven, with custom flared handles for easy handling even while wearing thick oven mitts. 3M ClearTekTM Glass Touch Screen Control Panel is a TMIOTM exclusive, an industry first, and based on advanced NASA space technology. Dual-Oven Advanced Refrigeration System for accurate and precision refrigeration control in both upper and lower ovens. Refrigerates Prior to Cooking Cycle or after cooking completed to keep food fresh. taste. A perfect solution for larger meats, fish, and poultry. 3300W Power delivered for fast preheat for beautifully broiled meats. Concealed elements present a smooth and even surface for effortless cleaning. True European Third-Element Convection with Two-Speed Convection Fans in both ovens for beautiful results in either baking or roasting modes. Solid perforated metal convection fan cover standard for your safety. Full-Rack Broiler Pan allows you to take true advantage of the full usable width of the oven for large entres. Only TMIO offers this exclusive full-rack broiler pan feature. Superior Insulation ensures minimum loss of heat and highest cooking efficiency through NASA advanced thermal ceramic space technology. Full Probe Dual Oven Cooking top or bottom ovens for precision cooking temperature and event control. Proofing, Defrosting, Dehydrating, Refrigeration modes in addition to standard bake, broil, roast, convection. | The TMIO can be controlled from your mobile. | e |
id_4764 | Program meals to be ready when you arrive home. TMIO brings you the Internet, cell phone, and telephone controlled IO professional series intelligent oven. TMIO creates unprecedented mobility for your household, and revolutionizes your lifestyle and cooking experience with the 30-inch dual oven, refrigerated, internet-controlled, connect io. A true dream appliance for those with busy lifestyles; dinner is ready when you are. This stainless-steel beauty lets you refrigerate your meal before you leave for work. You can then set cooking times with your cellphone, PDA or computer. Features: 30 inch Double Wall Oven fits standard kitchen cabinetry. Premium Quality 304 Brushed Stainless Steel finish provides an elegant complement to your kitchen. Largest Usable Capacity Oven youll never run out of room with our generously-sized oven cavities; 4.25 cubic feet, the largest available on any 30 inch double wall oven in its class. Larger Viewing Area on Oven Windows gives you a beautifully clear view and greater control. Glass stays comfortably and safely cool to the touch. Six Convenient Oven Racks, three ergonomically-designed racks per oven, with custom flared handles for easy handling even while wearing thick oven mitts. 3M ClearTekTM Glass Touch Screen Control Panel is a TMIOTM exclusive, an industry first, and based on advanced NASA space technology. Dual-Oven Advanced Refrigeration System for accurate and precision refrigeration control in both upper and lower ovens. Refrigerates Prior to Cooking Cycle or after cooking completed to keep food fresh. taste. A perfect solution for larger meats, fish, and poultry. 3300W Power delivered for fast preheat for beautifully broiled meats. Concealed elements present a smooth and even surface for effortless cleaning. True European Third-Element Convection with Two-Speed Convection Fans in both ovens for beautiful results in either baking or roasting modes. Solid perforated metal convection fan cover standard for your safety. Full-Rack Broiler Pan allows you to take true advantage of the full usable width of the oven for large entres. Only TMIO offers this exclusive full-rack broiler pan feature. Superior Insulation ensures minimum loss of heat and highest cooking efficiency through NASA advanced thermal ceramic space technology. Full Probe Dual Oven Cooking top or bottom ovens for precision cooking temperature and event control. Proofing, Defrosting, Dehydrating, Refrigeration modes in addition to standard bake, broil, roast, convection. | The oven has a metallic outer surface. | e |
id_4765 | Program meals to be ready when you arrive home. TMIO brings you the Internet, cell phone, and telephone controlled IO professional series intelligent oven. TMIO creates unprecedented mobility for your household, and revolutionizes your lifestyle and cooking experience with the 30-inch dual oven, refrigerated, internet-controlled, connect io. A true dream appliance for those with busy lifestyles; dinner is ready when you are. This stainless-steel beauty lets you refrigerate your meal before you leave for work. You can then set cooking times with your cellphone, PDA or computer. Features: 30 inch Double Wall Oven fits standard kitchen cabinetry. Premium Quality 304 Brushed Stainless Steel finish provides an elegant complement to your kitchen. Largest Usable Capacity Oven youll never run out of room with our generously-sized oven cavities; 4.25 cubic feet, the largest available on any 30 inch double wall oven in its class. Larger Viewing Area on Oven Windows gives you a beautifully clear view and greater control. Glass stays comfortably and safely cool to the touch. Six Convenient Oven Racks, three ergonomically-designed racks per oven, with custom flared handles for easy handling even while wearing thick oven mitts. 3M ClearTekTM Glass Touch Screen Control Panel is a TMIOTM exclusive, an industry first, and based on advanced NASA space technology. Dual-Oven Advanced Refrigeration System for accurate and precision refrigeration control in both upper and lower ovens. Refrigerates Prior to Cooking Cycle or after cooking completed to keep food fresh. taste. A perfect solution for larger meats, fish, and poultry. 3300W Power delivered for fast preheat for beautifully broiled meats. Concealed elements present a smooth and even surface for effortless cleaning. True European Third-Element Convection with Two-Speed Convection Fans in both ovens for beautiful results in either baking or roasting modes. Solid perforated metal convection fan cover standard for your safety. Full-Rack Broiler Pan allows you to take true advantage of the full usable width of the oven for large entres. Only TMIO offers this exclusive full-rack broiler pan feature. Superior Insulation ensures minimum loss of heat and highest cooking efficiency through NASA advanced thermal ceramic space technology. Full Probe Dual Oven Cooking top or bottom ovens for precision cooking temperature and event control. Proofing, Defrosting, Dehydrating, Refrigeration modes in addition to standard bake, broil, roast, convection. | The glass oven window can sometimes get hot. | c |
id_4766 | Program meals to be ready when you arrive home. TMIO brings you the Internet, cell phone, and telephone controlled IO professional series intelligent oven. TMIO creates unprecedented mobility for your household, and revolutionizes your lifestyle and cooking experience with the 30-inch dual oven, refrigerated, internet-controlled, connect io. A true dream appliance for those with busy lifestyles; dinner is ready when you are. This stainless-steel beauty lets you refrigerate your meal before you leave for work. You can then set cooking times with your cellphone, PDA or computer. Features: 30 inch Double Wall Oven fits standard kitchen cabinetry. Premium Quality 304 Brushed Stainless Steel finish provides an elegant complement to your kitchen. Largest Usable Capacity Oven youll never run out of room with our generously-sized oven cavities; 4.25 cubic feet, the largest available on any 30 inch double wall oven in its class. Larger Viewing Area on Oven Windows gives you a beautifully clear view and greater control. Glass stays comfortably and safely cool to the touch. Six Convenient Oven Racks, three ergonomically-designed racks per oven, with custom flared handles for easy handling even while wearing thick oven mitts. 3M ClearTekTM Glass Touch Screen Control Panel is a TMIOTM exclusive, an industry first, and based on advanced NASA space technology. Dual-Oven Advanced Refrigeration System for accurate and precision refrigeration control in both upper and lower ovens. Refrigerates Prior to Cooking Cycle or after cooking completed to keep food fresh. taste. A perfect solution for larger meats, fish, and poultry. 3300W Power delivered for fast preheat for beautifully broiled meats. Concealed elements present a smooth and even surface for effortless cleaning. True European Third-Element Convection with Two-Speed Convection Fans in both ovens for beautiful results in either baking or roasting modes. Solid perforated metal convection fan cover standard for your safety. Full-Rack Broiler Pan allows you to take true advantage of the full usable width of the oven for large entres. Only TMIO offers this exclusive full-rack broiler pan feature. Superior Insulation ensures minimum loss of heat and highest cooking efficiency through NASA advanced thermal ceramic space technology. Full Probe Dual Oven Cooking top or bottom ovens for precision cooking temperature and event control. Proofing, Defrosting, Dehydrating, Refrigeration modes in addition to standard bake, broil, roast, convection. | An extra full-width broiler pan is provided free with all TMIO ovens. | n |
id_4767 | Programmable plants. In electronics, even the most advanced computer is just a complex arrangement of simple, modular parts that control specific functions; the same integrated circuit might be found in an iPhone, or in an aircraft. Biologists are creating this same modularity in wait for it plants, by designing gene "circuits" that control specific plant characteristics color, size, resistance to drought, you name it. The relatively new, interdisciplinary field is synthetic biology the design of genetic circuits, just like in electronics, that control different functions and can be easily placed in one organism or the next. Most of today's synthetic biologists work with simple microorganisms, like E. coli or yeast. A CSU team led by June Medford, professor of biology, and Ashok Prasad, associate professor of chemical and biological engineering, is doing the same thing, but in the much more complex biological world of plants. | The scientists are using a technique from electronics to control specific plant properties. | e |
id_4768 | Programmable plants. In electronics, even the most advanced computer is just a complex arrangement of simple, modular parts that control specific functions; the same integrated circuit might be found in an iPhone, or in an aircraft. Biologists are creating this same modularity in wait for it plants, by designing gene "circuits" that control specific plant characteristics color, size, resistance to drought, you name it. The relatively new, interdisciplinary field is synthetic biology the design of genetic circuits, just like in electronics, that control different functions and can be easily placed in one organism or the next. Most of today's synthetic biologists work with simple microorganisms, like E. coli or yeast. A CSU team led by June Medford, professor of biology, and Ashok Prasad, associate professor of chemical and biological engineering, is doing the same thing, but in the much more complex biological world of plants. | Some synthetic biologists work with genetic circuits of mammals. | n |
id_4769 | Programmable plants. In electronics, even the most advanced computer is just a complex arrangement of simple, modular parts that control specific functions; the same integrated circuit might be found in an iPhone, or in an aircraft. Biologists are creating this same modularity in wait for it plants, by designing gene "circuits" that control specific plant characteristics color, size, resistance to drought, you name it. The relatively new, interdisciplinary field is synthetic biology the design of genetic circuits, just like in electronics, that control different functions and can be easily placed in one organism or the next. Most of today's synthetic biologists work with simple microorganisms, like E. coli or yeast. A CSU team led by June Medford, professor of biology, and Ashok Prasad, associate professor of chemical and biological engineering, is doing the same thing, but in the much more complex biological world of plants. | Most of synthetic biologists work with mammals. | c |
id_4770 | Project management, the system of organising resources to achieve a finite long-term goal, contrasts starkly with process-based operations, such as traditional banking. When such process-based industries, which can be characterised by a functional execution of immediate tasks, embark on a project a clash of cultures almost inevitably ensues. But as the corporate world shifts towards an Increasingly project-based model, managers within process-based businesses must be educated in project management. This does not simply mean traming courses mn the use of planning software, but rather the adoption of a compketely different management methodology. Traditional hierarchies represent one challenge to project-based working, whereby the projects hierarchy supersedes organisational seniority. Another obstacle mn reactive, process-based cultures is a resistance to planning, and a mindset that IT ts peripheral, rather than mtegral, to business projects. These hurdles are indisputably worth overcoming, however, as acquiring project management capabilities enables businesses to function effectively n project mode while contmumg to conduct their day-to-day operations efficiently. | Traming courses in planning software are sufficient for acquiring project management expertise. | c |
id_4771 | Project management, the system of organising resources to achieve a finite long-term goal, contrasts starkly with process-based operations, such as traditional banking. When such process-based industries, which can be characterised by a functional execution of immediate tasks, embark on a project a clash of cultures almost inevitably ensues. But as the corporate world shifts towards an Increasingly project-based model, managers within process-based businesses must be educated in project management. This does not simply mean traming courses mn the use of planning software, but rather the adoption of a compketely different management methodology. Traditional hierarchies represent one challenge to project-based working, whereby the projects hierarchy supersedes organisational seniority. Another obstacle mn reactive, process-based cultures is a resistance to planning, and a mindset that IT ts peripheral, rather than mtegral, to business projects. These hurdles are indisputably worth overcoming, however, as acquiring project management capabilities enables businesses to function effectively n project mode while contmumg to conduct their day-to-day operations efficiently. | When working on a project, senior staff might be accountabk to a more junior project manager. | e |
id_4772 | Project management, the system of organising resources to achieve a finite long-term goal, contrasts starkly with process-based operations, such as traditional banking. When such process-based industries, which can be characterised by a functional execution of immediate tasks, embark on a project a clash of cultures almost inevitably ensues. But as the corporate world shifts towards an Increasingly project-based model, managers within process-based businesses must be educated in project management. This does not simply mean traming courses mn the use of planning software, but rather the adoption of a compketely different management methodology. Traditional hierarchies represent one challenge to project-based working, whereby the projects hierarchy supersedes organisational seniority. Another obstacle mn reactive, process-based cultures is a resistance to planning, and a mindset that IT ts peripheral, rather than mtegral, to business projects. These hurdles are indisputably worth overcoming, however, as acquiring project management capabilities enables businesses to function effectively n project mode while contmumg to conduct their day-to-day operations efficiently. | Long-range planning 1s antithetical to the discipline of project management. | c |
id_4773 | Project management, the system of organising resources to achieve a finite long-term goal, contrasts starkly with process-based operations, such as traditional banking. When such process-based industries, which can be characterised by a functional execution of immediate tasks, embark on a project a clash of cultures almost inevitably ensues. But as the corporate world shifts towards an Increasingly project-based model, managers within process-based businesses must be educated in project management. This does not simply mean traming courses mn the use of planning software, but rather the adoption of a compketely different management methodology. Traditional hierarchies represent one challenge to project-based working, whereby the projects hierarchy supersedes organisational seniority. Another obstacle mn reactive, process-based cultures is a resistance to planning, and a mindset that IT ts peripheral, rather than mtegral, to business projects. These hurdles are indisputably worth overcoming, however, as acquiring project management capabilities enables businesses to function effectively n project mode while contmumg to conduct their day-to-day operations efficiently. | The banking industry has resisted adopting project management methodologies. | n |
id_4774 | Project management, the system of organising resources to achieve a finite long-term goal, contrasts starkly with process-based operations, such as traditional banking. When such process-based industries, which can be characterised by a functional execution of immediate tasks, embark on a project a clash of cultures almost inevitably ensues. But as the corporate world shifts towards an Increasingly project-based model, managers within process-based businesses must be educated in project management. This does not simply mean traming courses mn the use of planning software, but rather the adoption of a compketely different management methodology. Traditional hierarchies represent one challenge to project-based working, whereby the projects hierarchy supersedes organisational seniority. Another obstacle mn reactive, process-based cultures is a resistance to planning, and a mindset that IT ts peripheral, rather than mtegral, to business projects. These hurdles are indisputably worth overcoming, however, as acquiring project management capabilities enables businesses to function effectively n project mode while contmumg to conduct their day-to-day operations efficiently. | The passage indicates that project management methodologies are at odds with some imdustries. | e |
id_4775 | Pronunciation and Phsyiognomy Imagine the scene: you are sitting on the tube and on gets someone you instinctively feel is American. To make sure you ask them the time, and are right, but how did you know? When we say someone looks American, we take into consideration dress, mannerism and physical appearance. However, since the Americans do not constitute one single race, what exactly is meant by look? In fact, one salient feature is a pronounced widening around the jaw a well-documented phenomenon. Writer Arthur Koestler once remarked that friends of his, whom he had met thirty years after they emigrated to the United States, had acquired an American physiognomy, i. e. a broadened jaw, an appearance which is also prevalent in the indigenous population. An anthropologist friend of his attributed this to the increased use of the jaw musculature in American enunciation. This change of countenance in immigrants had already been observed by the historian M. Fishberg in 1910. To paraphrase the philosopher Emerson, certain national, social and religious groups, such as ageing actors, long-term convicts and celibate priests, to give just a few examples, develop a distinguishing look, which is not easily defined, but readily recognised. Their way of life affects their facial expression and physical features, giving the mistaken impression that these traits are of hereditary or racial origin. All the factors mentioned above contribute, as well as heredity. But the question of appearance being affected by pronunciation as in the case of American immigrant including those from other English speaking countries over the course of many years is of great interest, and calls for further study into the science of voice production. This can only benefit those working in the field of speech therapy, elocution and the pronunciation of foreign languages, and help the student from a purely physiological point of view. Naturally, the numerous psychological and socio-linguistic factors that inhibit most adult learners of foreign languages from acquiring good pronunciation constitute a completely different and no less important issue that require separate investigation. The pronunciation of the various forms of English around the world today is affected by the voice being placed in different parts of the mouth. We use our speech organs in certain ways to produce specific sounds, and these muscles have to practise to learn new phonemes. Non-Americans should look in the mirror while repeating I really never heard of poor reward for valour with full use of the USA retroflex /r/ phoneme, and note what happens to their jawbones after three or four repetitions. Imagine the effect of these movements on the jaw muscles after twenty years! This phoneme is one of the most noticeable features of US English and one that non-Americans always exaggerate when mimicking the accent. Likewise, standard British RP is often parodied, and its whine of superiority mocked to the point of turning the end of ones nose up as much as possible. Not only does this enhance the performance, but also begs the question of whether this look is the origin of the expression stuck up? Once on a Birmingham bus, a friend pointed to a fellow passenger and said, That mans Brummie accent is written all over his face. This was from someone who would not normally make crass generalisations. The interesting thing would be to establish whether thin lips and a tense, prominent chin are a result of the way Midlands English is spoken, or its cause, or a mixture of both. Similarly, in the case of Liverpool one could ask whether the distinctive Scouse accent was a reason for, or the frequency of high cheekbones in the local population. When one learns another accent, as in the theatre for example, voice coaches often resort to images to help their students acquire the distinctive sound of the target pronunciation. With Scouse, the mental aid employed is pushing your cheekbones up in a smile as high as they will go and you have got a very slack mouth full of cotton wool. The sound seems to spring off the sides of your faceoutwards and upwards. For a Belfast accent, one has to tighten the sides of the jaws until there is maximum tension, and speak opening the lips as little as possible. This gives rise to the well-known Ulster jaw phenomenon. Learning Australian involves imagining the ordeals of the first westerners transported to the other side of the world. When exposed to the merciless glare and unremitting heat of the southern sun, we instinctively screw up our eyes and grimace for protection. Has this contributed to an Australian look, and affected the way Aussies speak English, or vice versa? It is a curious chicken and egg conundrum, but perhaps the answer is ultimately irrelevant. Of course other factors affect the way people look and sound, and it would certainly be inaccurate to suggest that all those who speak one form of a language or dialect have a set physiognomy because of their pronunciation patterns. But a large enough number do, and that alone is worth investigating. What is important, however, is establishing pronunciation as one of the factors that determine physiognomy, and gaining a deeper insight into the origins and nature of the sounds of speech. And of course, one wonders what look ones own group has! | People often make fun of standard British RP. | e |
id_4776 | Pronunciation and Phsyiognomy Imagine the scene: you are sitting on the tube and on gets someone you instinctively feel is American. To make sure you ask them the time, and are right, but how did you know? When we say someone looks American, we take into consideration dress, mannerism and physical appearance. However, since the Americans do not constitute one single race, what exactly is meant by look? In fact, one salient feature is a pronounced widening around the jaw a well-documented phenomenon. Writer Arthur Koestler once remarked that friends of his, whom he had met thirty years after they emigrated to the United States, had acquired an American physiognomy, i. e. a broadened jaw, an appearance which is also prevalent in the indigenous population. An anthropologist friend of his attributed this to the increased use of the jaw musculature in American enunciation. This change of countenance in immigrants had already been observed by the historian M. Fishberg in 1910. To paraphrase the philosopher Emerson, certain national, social and religious groups, such as ageing actors, long-term convicts and celibate priests, to give just a few examples, develop a distinguishing look, which is not easily defined, but readily recognised. Their way of life affects their facial expression and physical features, giving the mistaken impression that these traits are of hereditary or racial origin. All the factors mentioned above contribute, as well as heredity. But the question of appearance being affected by pronunciation as in the case of American immigrant including those from other English speaking countries over the course of many years is of great interest, and calls for further study into the science of voice production. This can only benefit those working in the field of speech therapy, elocution and the pronunciation of foreign languages, and help the student from a purely physiological point of view. Naturally, the numerous psychological and socio-linguistic factors that inhibit most adult learners of foreign languages from acquiring good pronunciation constitute a completely different and no less important issue that require separate investigation. The pronunciation of the various forms of English around the world today is affected by the voice being placed in different parts of the mouth. We use our speech organs in certain ways to produce specific sounds, and these muscles have to practise to learn new phonemes. Non-Americans should look in the mirror while repeating I really never heard of poor reward for valour with full use of the USA retroflex /r/ phoneme, and note what happens to their jawbones after three or four repetitions. Imagine the effect of these movements on the jaw muscles after twenty years! This phoneme is one of the most noticeable features of US English and one that non-Americans always exaggerate when mimicking the accent. Likewise, standard British RP is often parodied, and its whine of superiority mocked to the point of turning the end of ones nose up as much as possible. Not only does this enhance the performance, but also begs the question of whether this look is the origin of the expression stuck up? Once on a Birmingham bus, a friend pointed to a fellow passenger and said, That mans Brummie accent is written all over his face. This was from someone who would not normally make crass generalisations. The interesting thing would be to establish whether thin lips and a tense, prominent chin are a result of the way Midlands English is spoken, or its cause, or a mixture of both. Similarly, in the case of Liverpool one could ask whether the distinctive Scouse accent was a reason for, or the frequency of high cheekbones in the local population. When one learns another accent, as in the theatre for example, voice coaches often resort to images to help their students acquire the distinctive sound of the target pronunciation. With Scouse, the mental aid employed is pushing your cheekbones up in a smile as high as they will go and you have got a very slack mouth full of cotton wool. The sound seems to spring off the sides of your faceoutwards and upwards. For a Belfast accent, one has to tighten the sides of the jaws until there is maximum tension, and speak opening the lips as little as possible. This gives rise to the well-known Ulster jaw phenomenon. Learning Australian involves imagining the ordeals of the first westerners transported to the other side of the world. When exposed to the merciless glare and unremitting heat of the southern sun, we instinctively screw up our eyes and grimace for protection. Has this contributed to an Australian look, and affected the way Aussies speak English, or vice versa? It is a curious chicken and egg conundrum, but perhaps the answer is ultimately irrelevant. Of course other factors affect the way people look and sound, and it would certainly be inaccurate to suggest that all those who speak one form of a language or dialect have a set physiognomy because of their pronunciation patterns. But a large enough number do, and that alone is worth investigating. What is important, however, is establishing pronunciation as one of the factors that determine physiognomy, and gaining a deeper insight into the origins and nature of the sounds of speech. And of course, one wonders what look ones own group has! | Facial features contribute to the incomprehensibility of Midlands English. | n |
id_4777 | Pronunciation and Phsyiognomy Imagine the scene: you are sitting on the tube and on gets someone you instinctively feel is American. To make sure you ask them the time, and are right, but how did you know? When we say someone looks American, we take into consideration dress, mannerism and physical appearance. However, since the Americans do not constitute one single race, what exactly is meant by look? In fact, one salient feature is a pronounced widening around the jaw a well-documented phenomenon. Writer Arthur Koestler once remarked that friends of his, whom he had met thirty years after they emigrated to the United States, had acquired an American physiognomy, i. e. a broadened jaw, an appearance which is also prevalent in the indigenous population. An anthropologist friend of his attributed this to the increased use of the jaw musculature in American enunciation. This change of countenance in immigrants had already been observed by the historian M. Fishberg in 1910. To paraphrase the philosopher Emerson, certain national, social and religious groups, such as ageing actors, long-term convicts and celibate priests, to give just a few examples, develop a distinguishing look, which is not easily defined, but readily recognised. Their way of life affects their facial expression and physical features, giving the mistaken impression that these traits are of hereditary or racial origin. All the factors mentioned above contribute, as well as heredity. But the question of appearance being affected by pronunciation as in the case of American immigrant including those from other English speaking countries over the course of many years is of great interest, and calls for further study into the science of voice production. This can only benefit those working in the field of speech therapy, elocution and the pronunciation of foreign languages, and help the student from a purely physiological point of view. Naturally, the numerous psychological and socio-linguistic factors that inhibit most adult learners of foreign languages from acquiring good pronunciation constitute a completely different and no less important issue that require separate investigation. The pronunciation of the various forms of English around the world today is affected by the voice being placed in different parts of the mouth. We use our speech organs in certain ways to produce specific sounds, and these muscles have to practise to learn new phonemes. Non-Americans should look in the mirror while repeating I really never heard of poor reward for valour with full use of the USA retroflex /r/ phoneme, and note what happens to their jawbones after three or four repetitions. Imagine the effect of these movements on the jaw muscles after twenty years! This phoneme is one of the most noticeable features of US English and one that non-Americans always exaggerate when mimicking the accent. Likewise, standard British RP is often parodied, and its whine of superiority mocked to the point of turning the end of ones nose up as much as possible. Not only does this enhance the performance, but also begs the question of whether this look is the origin of the expression stuck up? Once on a Birmingham bus, a friend pointed to a fellow passenger and said, That mans Brummie accent is written all over his face. This was from someone who would not normally make crass generalisations. The interesting thing would be to establish whether thin lips and a tense, prominent chin are a result of the way Midlands English is spoken, or its cause, or a mixture of both. Similarly, in the case of Liverpool one could ask whether the distinctive Scouse accent was a reason for, or the frequency of high cheekbones in the local population. When one learns another accent, as in the theatre for example, voice coaches often resort to images to help their students acquire the distinctive sound of the target pronunciation. With Scouse, the mental aid employed is pushing your cheekbones up in a smile as high as they will go and you have got a very slack mouth full of cotton wool. The sound seems to spring off the sides of your faceoutwards and upwards. For a Belfast accent, one has to tighten the sides of the jaws until there is maximum tension, and speak opening the lips as little as possible. This gives rise to the well-known Ulster jaw phenomenon. Learning Australian involves imagining the ordeals of the first westerners transported to the other side of the world. When exposed to the merciless glare and unremitting heat of the southern sun, we instinctively screw up our eyes and grimace for protection. Has this contributed to an Australian look, and affected the way Aussies speak English, or vice versa? It is a curious chicken and egg conundrum, but perhaps the answer is ultimately irrelevant. Of course other factors affect the way people look and sound, and it would certainly be inaccurate to suggest that all those who speak one form of a language or dialect have a set physiognomy because of their pronunciation patterns. But a large enough number do, and that alone is worth investigating. What is important, however, is establishing pronunciation as one of the factors that determine physiognomy, and gaining a deeper insight into the origins and nature of the sounds of speech. And of course, one wonders what look ones own group has! | New phonemes are difficult to learn. | n |
id_4778 | Pronunciation and Phsyiognomy Imagine the scene: you are sitting on the tube and on gets someone you instinctively feel is American. To make sure you ask them the time, and are right, but how did you know? When we say someone looks American, we take into consideration dress, mannerism and physical appearance. However, since the Americans do not constitute one single race, what exactly is meant by look? In fact, one salient feature is a pronounced widening around the jaw a well-documented phenomenon. Writer Arthur Koestler once remarked that friends of his, whom he had met thirty years after they emigrated to the United States, had acquired an American physiognomy, i. e. a broadened jaw, an appearance which is also prevalent in the indigenous population. An anthropologist friend of his attributed this to the increased use of the jaw musculature in American enunciation. This change of countenance in immigrants had already been observed by the historian M. Fishberg in 1910. To paraphrase the philosopher Emerson, certain national, social and religious groups, such as ageing actors, long-term convicts and celibate priests, to give just a few examples, develop a distinguishing look, which is not easily defined, but readily recognised. Their way of life affects their facial expression and physical features, giving the mistaken impression that these traits are of hereditary or racial origin. All the factors mentioned above contribute, as well as heredity. But the question of appearance being affected by pronunciation as in the case of American immigrant including those from other English speaking countries over the course of many years is of great interest, and calls for further study into the science of voice production. This can only benefit those working in the field of speech therapy, elocution and the pronunciation of foreign languages, and help the student from a purely physiological point of view. Naturally, the numerous psychological and socio-linguistic factors that inhibit most adult learners of foreign languages from acquiring good pronunciation constitute a completely different and no less important issue that require separate investigation. The pronunciation of the various forms of English around the world today is affected by the voice being placed in different parts of the mouth. We use our speech organs in certain ways to produce specific sounds, and these muscles have to practise to learn new phonemes. Non-Americans should look in the mirror while repeating I really never heard of poor reward for valour with full use of the USA retroflex /r/ phoneme, and note what happens to their jawbones after three or four repetitions. Imagine the effect of these movements on the jaw muscles after twenty years! This phoneme is one of the most noticeable features of US English and one that non-Americans always exaggerate when mimicking the accent. Likewise, standard British RP is often parodied, and its whine of superiority mocked to the point of turning the end of ones nose up as much as possible. Not only does this enhance the performance, but also begs the question of whether this look is the origin of the expression stuck up? Once on a Birmingham bus, a friend pointed to a fellow passenger and said, That mans Brummie accent is written all over his face. This was from someone who would not normally make crass generalisations. The interesting thing would be to establish whether thin lips and a tense, prominent chin are a result of the way Midlands English is spoken, or its cause, or a mixture of both. Similarly, in the case of Liverpool one could ask whether the distinctive Scouse accent was a reason for, or the frequency of high cheekbones in the local population. When one learns another accent, as in the theatre for example, voice coaches often resort to images to help their students acquire the distinctive sound of the target pronunciation. With Scouse, the mental aid employed is pushing your cheekbones up in a smile as high as they will go and you have got a very slack mouth full of cotton wool. The sound seems to spring off the sides of your faceoutwards and upwards. For a Belfast accent, one has to tighten the sides of the jaws until there is maximum tension, and speak opening the lips as little as possible. This gives rise to the well-known Ulster jaw phenomenon. Learning Australian involves imagining the ordeals of the first westerners transported to the other side of the world. When exposed to the merciless glare and unremitting heat of the southern sun, we instinctively screw up our eyes and grimace for protection. Has this contributed to an Australian look, and affected the way Aussies speak English, or vice versa? It is a curious chicken and egg conundrum, but perhaps the answer is ultimately irrelevant. Of course other factors affect the way people look and sound, and it would certainly be inaccurate to suggest that all those who speak one form of a language or dialect have a set physiognomy because of their pronunciation patterns. But a large enough number do, and that alone is worth investigating. What is important, however, is establishing pronunciation as one of the factors that determine physiognomy, and gaining a deeper insight into the origins and nature of the sounds of speech. And of course, one wonders what look ones own group has! | Speech organs are muscles. | e |
id_4779 | Pronunciation and Phsyiognomy Imagine the scene: you are sitting on the tube and on gets someone you instinctively feel is American. To make sure you ask them the time, and are right, but how did you know? When we say someone looks American, we take into consideration dress, mannerism and physical appearance. However, since the Americans do not constitute one single race, what exactly is meant by look? In fact, one salient feature is a pronounced widening around the jaw a well-documented phenomenon. Writer Arthur Koestler once remarked that friends of his, whom he had met thirty years after they emigrated to the United States, had acquired an American physiognomy, i. e. a broadened jaw, an appearance which is also prevalent in the indigenous population. An anthropologist friend of his attributed this to the increased use of the jaw musculature in American enunciation. This change of countenance in immigrants had already been observed by the historian M. Fishberg in 1910. To paraphrase the philosopher Emerson, certain national, social and religious groups, such as ageing actors, long-term convicts and celibate priests, to give just a few examples, develop a distinguishing look, which is not easily defined, but readily recognised. Their way of life affects their facial expression and physical features, giving the mistaken impression that these traits are of hereditary or racial origin. All the factors mentioned above contribute, as well as heredity. But the question of appearance being affected by pronunciation as in the case of American immigrant including those from other English speaking countries over the course of many years is of great interest, and calls for further study into the science of voice production. This can only benefit those working in the field of speech therapy, elocution and the pronunciation of foreign languages, and help the student from a purely physiological point of view. Naturally, the numerous psychological and socio-linguistic factors that inhibit most adult learners of foreign languages from acquiring good pronunciation constitute a completely different and no less important issue that require separate investigation. The pronunciation of the various forms of English around the world today is affected by the voice being placed in different parts of the mouth. We use our speech organs in certain ways to produce specific sounds, and these muscles have to practise to learn new phonemes. Non-Americans should look in the mirror while repeating I really never heard of poor reward for valour with full use of the USA retroflex /r/ phoneme, and note what happens to their jawbones after three or four repetitions. Imagine the effect of these movements on the jaw muscles after twenty years! This phoneme is one of the most noticeable features of US English and one that non-Americans always exaggerate when mimicking the accent. Likewise, standard British RP is often parodied, and its whine of superiority mocked to the point of turning the end of ones nose up as much as possible. Not only does this enhance the performance, but also begs the question of whether this look is the origin of the expression stuck up? Once on a Birmingham bus, a friend pointed to a fellow passenger and said, That mans Brummie accent is written all over his face. This was from someone who would not normally make crass generalisations. The interesting thing would be to establish whether thin lips and a tense, prominent chin are a result of the way Midlands English is spoken, or its cause, or a mixture of both. Similarly, in the case of Liverpool one could ask whether the distinctive Scouse accent was a reason for, or the frequency of high cheekbones in the local population. When one learns another accent, as in the theatre for example, voice coaches often resort to images to help their students acquire the distinctive sound of the target pronunciation. With Scouse, the mental aid employed is pushing your cheekbones up in a smile as high as they will go and you have got a very slack mouth full of cotton wool. The sound seems to spring off the sides of your faceoutwards and upwards. For a Belfast accent, one has to tighten the sides of the jaws until there is maximum tension, and speak opening the lips as little as possible. This gives rise to the well-known Ulster jaw phenomenon. Learning Australian involves imagining the ordeals of the first westerners transported to the other side of the world. When exposed to the merciless glare and unremitting heat of the southern sun, we instinctively screw up our eyes and grimace for protection. Has this contributed to an Australian look, and affected the way Aussies speak English, or vice versa? It is a curious chicken and egg conundrum, but perhaps the answer is ultimately irrelevant. Of course other factors affect the way people look and sound, and it would certainly be inaccurate to suggest that all those who speak one form of a language or dialect have a set physiognomy because of their pronunciation patterns. But a large enough number do, and that alone is worth investigating. What is important, however, is establishing pronunciation as one of the factors that determine physiognomy, and gaining a deeper insight into the origins and nature of the sounds of speech. And of course, one wonders what look ones own group has! | The psychological and socio-linguistic factors that make it difficult for adult learners of foreign languages to gain good pronunciation are not as important as other factors. | c |
id_4780 | Pronunciation and Phsyiognomy Imagine the scene: you are sitting on the tube and on gets someone you instinctively feel is American. To make sure you ask them the time, and are right, but how did you know? When we say someone looks American, we take into consideration dress, mannerism and physical appearance. However, since the Americans do not constitute one single race, what exactly is meant by look? In fact, one salient feature is a pronounced widening around the jaw a well-documented phenomenon. Writer Arthur Koestler once remarked that friends of his, whom he had met thirty years after they emigrated to the United States, had acquired an American physiognomy, i. e. a broadened jaw, an appearance which is also prevalent in the indigenous population. An anthropologist friend of his attributed this to the increased use of the jaw musculature in American enunciation. This change of countenance in immigrants had already been observed by the historian M. Fishberg in 1910. To paraphrase the philosopher Emerson, certain national, social and religious groups, such as ageing actors, long-term convicts and celibate priests, to give just a few examples, develop a distinguishing look, which is not easily defined, but readily recognised. Their way of life affects their facial expression and physical features, giving the mistaken impression that these traits are of hereditary or racial origin. All the factors mentioned above contribute, as well as heredity. But the question of appearance being affected by pronunciation as in the case of American immigrant including those from other English speaking countries over the course of many years is of great interest, and calls for further study into the science of voice production. This can only benefit those working in the field of speech therapy, elocution and the pronunciation of foreign languages, and help the student from a purely physiological point of view. Naturally, the numerous psychological and socio-linguistic factors that inhibit most adult learners of foreign languages from acquiring good pronunciation constitute a completely different and no less important issue that require separate investigation. The pronunciation of the various forms of English around the world today is affected by the voice being placed in different parts of the mouth. We use our speech organs in certain ways to produce specific sounds, and these muscles have to practise to learn new phonemes. Non-Americans should look in the mirror while repeating I really never heard of poor reward for valour with full use of the USA retroflex /r/ phoneme, and note what happens to their jawbones after three or four repetitions. Imagine the effect of these movements on the jaw muscles after twenty years! This phoneme is one of the most noticeable features of US English and one that non-Americans always exaggerate when mimicking the accent. Likewise, standard British RP is often parodied, and its whine of superiority mocked to the point of turning the end of ones nose up as much as possible. Not only does this enhance the performance, but also begs the question of whether this look is the origin of the expression stuck up? Once on a Birmingham bus, a friend pointed to a fellow passenger and said, That mans Brummie accent is written all over his face. This was from someone who would not normally make crass generalisations. The interesting thing would be to establish whether thin lips and a tense, prominent chin are a result of the way Midlands English is spoken, or its cause, or a mixture of both. Similarly, in the case of Liverpool one could ask whether the distinctive Scouse accent was a reason for, or the frequency of high cheekbones in the local population. When one learns another accent, as in the theatre for example, voice coaches often resort to images to help their students acquire the distinctive sound of the target pronunciation. With Scouse, the mental aid employed is pushing your cheekbones up in a smile as high as they will go and you have got a very slack mouth full of cotton wool. The sound seems to spring off the sides of your faceoutwards and upwards. For a Belfast accent, one has to tighten the sides of the jaws until there is maximum tension, and speak opening the lips as little as possible. This gives rise to the well-known Ulster jaw phenomenon. Learning Australian involves imagining the ordeals of the first westerners transported to the other side of the world. When exposed to the merciless glare and unremitting heat of the southern sun, we instinctively screw up our eyes and grimace for protection. Has this contributed to an Australian look, and affected the way Aussies speak English, or vice versa? It is a curious chicken and egg conundrum, but perhaps the answer is ultimately irrelevant. Of course other factors affect the way people look and sound, and it would certainly be inaccurate to suggest that all those who speak one form of a language or dialect have a set physiognomy because of their pronunciation patterns. But a large enough number do, and that alone is worth investigating. What is important, however, is establishing pronunciation as one of the factors that determine physiognomy, and gaining a deeper insight into the origins and nature of the sounds of speech. And of course, one wonders what look ones own group has! | Further study into the science of voice production will cost considerable sums of money. | n |
id_4781 | Proponents of recycling are adamant that we must preserve the worlds precious natural resources by reducing our consumption of new raw materials. They say that to accomplish this all we need to do is to reuse or recycle many materials that traditionally would be thrown away and end up in landfill sites. Many local authorities have designed and implemented full end-to-end recycling programmes to help encourage recycling. A critical factor in the success of any waste management and recycling programme is the ability to clearly communicate waste disposal and depositing policy to the public. The majority of people are willing to participate, but they are more likely to participate if they can easily understand what goes where. They are also less likely to make errors and put something in the wrong place, which can cause costly problems. Supporters claim that the more we recycle the less it costs, however some critics counter-claim that recycling actually consumes more resources than it saves and in the long-run is doing more harm than good. | Most local authorities have end-to-end recycling facilities | n |
id_4782 | Proponents of recycling are adamant that we must preserve the worlds precious natural resources by reducing our consumption of new raw materials. They say that to accomplish this all we need to do is to reuse or recycle many materials that traditionally would be thrown away and end up in landfill sites. Many local authorities have designed and implemented full end-to-end recycling programmes to help encourage recycling. A critical factor in the success of any waste management and recycling programme is the ability to clearly communicate waste disposal and depositing policy to the public. The majority of people are willing to participate, but they are more likely to participate if they can easily understand what goes where. They are also less likely to make errors and put something in the wrong place, which can cause costly problems. Supporters claim that the more we recycle the less it costs, however some critics counter-claim that recycling actually consumes more resources than it saves and in the long-run is doing more harm than good. | Most of the public are reluctant to participate in recycling because they do not know what goes where. | c |
id_4783 | Proponents of recycling are adamant that we must preserve the worlds precious natural resources by reducing our consumption of new raw materials. They say that to accomplish this all we need to do is to reuse or recycle many materials that traditionally would be thrown away and end up in landfill sites. Many local authorities have designed and implemented full end-to-end recycling programmes to help encourage recycling. A critical factor in the success of any waste management and recycling programme is the ability to clearly communicate waste disposal and depositing policy to the public. The majority of people are willing to participate, but they are more likely to participate if they can easily understand what goes where. They are also less likely to make errors and put something in the wrong place, which can cause costly problems. Supporters claim that the more we recycle the less it costs, however some critics counter-claim that recycling actually consumes more resources than it saves and in the long-run is doing more harm than good. | Some people say that recycling is a wasteful use of resources. | e |
id_4784 | Provide mid-day meals to the children in primary schools to increase the number of students attending schools | Mid-day meals will attract the children to the schools | e |
id_4785 | Provide mid-day meals to the children in primary schools to increase the number of students attending schools | Those children who are otherwise deprived of good food will attend the schools. | n |
id_4786 | Psychology and personality ASSESSMENT Our daily lives are largely made up of contacts with other people, during which we are constantly making judgments of their personalities and accommodating our behaviour to them in accordance with these judgments. A casual meeting of neighbours on the street, an employer giving instructions to an employee, a mother telling her children how to behave, a journey in a train where strangers eye one another without exchanging a word all these involve mutual interpretations of personal qualities. Success in many vocations largely depends on skill in sizing up people. It is important not only to such professionals as the clinical psychologist, the psychiatrist or the social worker, but also to the doctor or lawyer in dealing with their clients, the businessman trying to outwit his rivals, the salesman with potential customers, the teacher with his pupils, not to speak of the pupils judging their teacher. Social life, indeed, would be impossible if we did not. to some extent, understand, and react to the motives and qualities of those we meet; and clearly we are sufficiently accurate for most practical purposes, although we also recognize that misinterpretations easily arise particularly on the pare of others who judge us! Errors can often be corrected as we go along. But whenever we are pinned down to a definite decision about a person, which cannot easily be revised through his feed-back, the Inadequacies of our judgments become apparent. The hostess who wrongly thinks that the Smiths and the Joneses will get on well together can do little to retrieve the success of her party. A school or a business may be saddled for years with an undesirable member of staff, because the selection committee which interviewed him for a quarter of an hour misjudged his personality. Just because the process is so familiar and taken for granted, It has aroused little scientific curiosity until recently. Dramatists, writers and artists throughout the centuries have excelled in the portrayal of character, but have seldom stopped to ask how they, or we, get to know people, or how accurate is our knowledge. However, the popularity of such unscientific systems as Lavaters physiognomy in the eighteenth century, Galls phrenology in the nineteenth, and of handwriting interpretations by graphologists, or palm-readings by Gypsies, show that people are aware of weaknesses in their judgments and desirous of better methods of diagnosis. It is natural that they should turn to psychology for help, in the belief that psychologists are specialists in human nature. This belief is hardly justified: for the primary aim of psychology had been to establish the general laws and principles underlying behaviour and thinking, rather than to apply these to concrete problems of the individual person. A great many professional psychologists still regard it as their main function to study the nature of learning, perception and motivation in the abstracted or average human being, or in lower organisms, and consider it premature to put so young a science to practical uses. They would disclaim the possession of any superior skill in judging their fellow-men. Indeed, being more aware of the difficulties than is the non-psychologist, they may be more reluctant to commit themselves to definite predictions or decisions about other people. Nevertheless, to an increasing extent psychologists are moving into educational, occupational, clinical and other applied fields, where they are called upon to use their expertise for such purposes as fitting the education or job to the child or adult, and the person to the job, Thus a considerable proportion of their activities consists of personality assessment. The success of psychologists in personality assessment has been limited, in comparison with what they have achieved in the fields of abilities and training, with the result that most people continue to rely on unscientific methods of assessment. In recent times there has been a tremendous amount of work on personality tests, and on carefully controlled experimental studies of personality. Investigations of personality by Freudian and other depth psychologists have an even longer history. And yet psychology seems to be no nearer to providing society with practicable techniques which are sufficiently reliable and accurate to win general acceptance. The soundness of the methods of psychologists in the field of personality assessment and the value of their work are under constant fire from other psychologists, and it is far from easy to prove their worth. The growth of psychology has probably helped responsible members of society to become more aware of the difficulties of assessment. But it is not much use telling employers, educationists and judges how inaccurately they diagnose the personalities with which they have to deal unless psychologists are sure that they can provide something better. Even when university psychologists themselves appoint a new member of staff, they almost always resort to the traditional techniques of assessing the candidates through interviews, past records, and testimonials, and probably make at least as many bad appointments as other employers do. However, a large amount of experimental development of better methods has been carried out since 1940 by groups of psychologists in the Armed Services and in the Civil Service, and by such organizations as the (British) National Institute of Industrial Psychology and the American Institute of Research. | Research since 1940 has been based on acceptance of previous theories. | c |
id_4787 | Psychology and personality ASSESSMENT Our daily lives are largely made up of contacts with other people, during which we are constantly making judgments of their personalities and accommodating our behaviour to them in accordance with these judgments. A casual meeting of neighbours on the street, an employer giving instructions to an employee, a mother telling her children how to behave, a journey in a train where strangers eye one another without exchanging a word all these involve mutual interpretations of personal qualities. Success in many vocations largely depends on skill in sizing up people. It is important not only to such professionals as the clinical psychologist, the psychiatrist or the social worker, but also to the doctor or lawyer in dealing with their clients, the businessman trying to outwit his rivals, the salesman with potential customers, the teacher with his pupils, not to speak of the pupils judging their teacher. Social life, indeed, would be impossible if we did not. to some extent, understand, and react to the motives and qualities of those we meet; and clearly we are sufficiently accurate for most practical purposes, although we also recognize that misinterpretations easily arise particularly on the pare of others who judge us! Errors can often be corrected as we go along. But whenever we are pinned down to a definite decision about a person, which cannot easily be revised through his feed-back, the Inadequacies of our judgments become apparent. The hostess who wrongly thinks that the Smiths and the Joneses will get on well together can do little to retrieve the success of her party. A school or a business may be saddled for years with an undesirable member of staff, because the selection committee which interviewed him for a quarter of an hour misjudged his personality. Just because the process is so familiar and taken for granted, It has aroused little scientific curiosity until recently. Dramatists, writers and artists throughout the centuries have excelled in the portrayal of character, but have seldom stopped to ask how they, or we, get to know people, or how accurate is our knowledge. However, the popularity of such unscientific systems as Lavaters physiognomy in the eighteenth century, Galls phrenology in the nineteenth, and of handwriting interpretations by graphologists, or palm-readings by Gypsies, show that people are aware of weaknesses in their judgments and desirous of better methods of diagnosis. It is natural that they should turn to psychology for help, in the belief that psychologists are specialists in human nature. This belief is hardly justified: for the primary aim of psychology had been to establish the general laws and principles underlying behaviour and thinking, rather than to apply these to concrete problems of the individual person. A great many professional psychologists still regard it as their main function to study the nature of learning, perception and motivation in the abstracted or average human being, or in lower organisms, and consider it premature to put so young a science to practical uses. They would disclaim the possession of any superior skill in judging their fellow-men. Indeed, being more aware of the difficulties than is the non-psychologist, they may be more reluctant to commit themselves to definite predictions or decisions about other people. Nevertheless, to an increasing extent psychologists are moving into educational, occupational, clinical and other applied fields, where they are called upon to use their expertise for such purposes as fitting the education or job to the child or adult, and the person to the job, Thus a considerable proportion of their activities consists of personality assessment. The success of psychologists in personality assessment has been limited, in comparison with what they have achieved in the fields of abilities and training, with the result that most people continue to rely on unscientific methods of assessment. In recent times there has been a tremendous amount of work on personality tests, and on carefully controlled experimental studies of personality. Investigations of personality by Freudian and other depth psychologists have an even longer history. And yet psychology seems to be no nearer to providing society with practicable techniques which are sufficiently reliable and accurate to win general acceptance. The soundness of the methods of psychologists in the field of personality assessment and the value of their work are under constant fire from other psychologists, and it is far from easy to prove their worth. The growth of psychology has probably helped responsible members of society to become more aware of the difficulties of assessment. But it is not much use telling employers, educationists and judges how inaccurately they diagnose the personalities with which they have to deal unless psychologists are sure that they can provide something better. Even when university psychologists themselves appoint a new member of staff, they almost always resort to the traditional techniques of assessing the candidates through interviews, past records, and testimonials, and probably make at least as many bad appointments as other employers do. However, a large amount of experimental development of better methods has been carried out since 1940 by groups of psychologists in the Armed Services and in the Civil Service, and by such organizations as the (British) National Institute of Industrial Psychology and the American Institute of Research. | People often feel that they have been precisely assessed. | c |
id_4788 | Psychology and personality ASSESSMENT Our daily lives are largely made up of contacts with other people, during which we are constantly making judgments of their personalities and accommodating our behaviour to them in accordance with these judgments. A casual meeting of neighbours on the street, an employer giving instructions to an employee, a mother telling her children how to behave, a journey in a train where strangers eye one another without exchanging a word all these involve mutual interpretations of personal qualities. Success in many vocations largely depends on skill in sizing up people. It is important not only to such professionals as the clinical psychologist, the psychiatrist or the social worker, but also to the doctor or lawyer in dealing with their clients, the businessman trying to outwit his rivals, the salesman with potential customers, the teacher with his pupils, not to speak of the pupils judging their teacher. Social life, indeed, would be impossible if we did not. to some extent, understand, and react to the motives and qualities of those we meet; and clearly we are sufficiently accurate for most practical purposes, although we also recognize that misinterpretations easily arise particularly on the pare of others who judge us! Errors can often be corrected as we go along. But whenever we are pinned down to a definite decision about a person, which cannot easily be revised through his feed-back, the Inadequacies of our judgments become apparent. The hostess who wrongly thinks that the Smiths and the Joneses will get on well together can do little to retrieve the success of her party. A school or a business may be saddled for years with an undesirable member of staff, because the selection committee which interviewed him for a quarter of an hour misjudged his personality. Just because the process is so familiar and taken for granted, It has aroused little scientific curiosity until recently. Dramatists, writers and artists throughout the centuries have excelled in the portrayal of character, but have seldom stopped to ask how they, or we, get to know people, or how accurate is our knowledge. However, the popularity of such unscientific systems as Lavaters physiognomy in the eighteenth century, Galls phrenology in the nineteenth, and of handwriting interpretations by graphologists, or palm-readings by Gypsies, show that people are aware of weaknesses in their judgments and desirous of better methods of diagnosis. It is natural that they should turn to psychology for help, in the belief that psychologists are specialists in human nature. This belief is hardly justified: for the primary aim of psychology had been to establish the general laws and principles underlying behaviour and thinking, rather than to apply these to concrete problems of the individual person. A great many professional psychologists still regard it as their main function to study the nature of learning, perception and motivation in the abstracted or average human being, or in lower organisms, and consider it premature to put so young a science to practical uses. They would disclaim the possession of any superior skill in judging their fellow-men. Indeed, being more aware of the difficulties than is the non-psychologist, they may be more reluctant to commit themselves to definite predictions or decisions about other people. Nevertheless, to an increasing extent psychologists are moving into educational, occupational, clinical and other applied fields, where they are called upon to use their expertise for such purposes as fitting the education or job to the child or adult, and the person to the job, Thus a considerable proportion of their activities consists of personality assessment. The success of psychologists in personality assessment has been limited, in comparison with what they have achieved in the fields of abilities and training, with the result that most people continue to rely on unscientific methods of assessment. In recent times there has been a tremendous amount of work on personality tests, and on carefully controlled experimental studies of personality. Investigations of personality by Freudian and other depth psychologists have an even longer history. And yet psychology seems to be no nearer to providing society with practicable techniques which are sufficiently reliable and accurate to win general acceptance. The soundness of the methods of psychologists in the field of personality assessment and the value of their work are under constant fire from other psychologists, and it is far from easy to prove their worth. The growth of psychology has probably helped responsible members of society to become more aware of the difficulties of assessment. But it is not much use telling employers, educationists and judges how inaccurately they diagnose the personalities with which they have to deal unless psychologists are sure that they can provide something better. Even when university psychologists themselves appoint a new member of staff, they almost always resort to the traditional techniques of assessing the candidates through interviews, past records, and testimonials, and probably make at least as many bad appointments as other employers do. However, a large amount of experimental development of better methods has been carried out since 1940 by groups of psychologists in the Armed Services and in the Civil Service, and by such organizations as the (British) National Institute of Industrial Psychology and the American Institute of Research. | People make false assumptions about the expertise of psychologists. | e |
id_4789 | Psychology and personality ASSESSMENT Our daily lives are largely made up of contacts with other people, during which we are constantly making judgments of their personalities and accommodating our behaviour to them in accordance with these judgments. A casual meeting of neighbours on the street, an employer giving instructions to an employee, a mother telling her children how to behave, a journey in a train where strangers eye one another without exchanging a word all these involve mutual interpretations of personal qualities. Success in many vocations largely depends on skill in sizing up people. It is important not only to such professionals as the clinical psychologist, the psychiatrist or the social worker, but also to the doctor or lawyer in dealing with their clients, the businessman trying to outwit his rivals, the salesman with potential customers, the teacher with his pupils, not to speak of the pupils judging their teacher. Social life, indeed, would be impossible if we did not. to some extent, understand, and react to the motives and qualities of those we meet; and clearly we are sufficiently accurate for most practical purposes, although we also recognize that misinterpretations easily arise particularly on the pare of others who judge us! Errors can often be corrected as we go along. But whenever we are pinned down to a definite decision about a person, which cannot easily be revised through his feed-back, the Inadequacies of our judgments become apparent. The hostess who wrongly thinks that the Smiths and the Joneses will get on well together can do little to retrieve the success of her party. A school or a business may be saddled for years with an undesirable member of staff, because the selection committee which interviewed him for a quarter of an hour misjudged his personality. Just because the process is so familiar and taken for granted, It has aroused little scientific curiosity until recently. Dramatists, writers and artists throughout the centuries have excelled in the portrayal of character, but have seldom stopped to ask how they, or we, get to know people, or how accurate is our knowledge. However, the popularity of such unscientific systems as Lavaters physiognomy in the eighteenth century, Galls phrenology in the nineteenth, and of handwriting interpretations by graphologists, or palm-readings by Gypsies, show that people are aware of weaknesses in their judgments and desirous of better methods of diagnosis. It is natural that they should turn to psychology for help, in the belief that psychologists are specialists in human nature. This belief is hardly justified: for the primary aim of psychology had been to establish the general laws and principles underlying behaviour and thinking, rather than to apply these to concrete problems of the individual person. A great many professional psychologists still regard it as their main function to study the nature of learning, perception and motivation in the abstracted or average human being, or in lower organisms, and consider it premature to put so young a science to practical uses. They would disclaim the possession of any superior skill in judging their fellow-men. Indeed, being more aware of the difficulties than is the non-psychologist, they may be more reluctant to commit themselves to definite predictions or decisions about other people. Nevertheless, to an increasing extent psychologists are moving into educational, occupational, clinical and other applied fields, where they are called upon to use their expertise for such purposes as fitting the education or job to the child or adult, and the person to the job, Thus a considerable proportion of their activities consists of personality assessment. The success of psychologists in personality assessment has been limited, in comparison with what they have achieved in the fields of abilities and training, with the result that most people continue to rely on unscientific methods of assessment. In recent times there has been a tremendous amount of work on personality tests, and on carefully controlled experimental studies of personality. Investigations of personality by Freudian and other depth psychologists have an even longer history. And yet psychology seems to be no nearer to providing society with practicable techniques which are sufficiently reliable and accurate to win general acceptance. The soundness of the methods of psychologists in the field of personality assessment and the value of their work are under constant fire from other psychologists, and it is far from easy to prove their worth. The growth of psychology has probably helped responsible members of society to become more aware of the difficulties of assessment. But it is not much use telling employers, educationists and judges how inaccurately they diagnose the personalities with which they have to deal unless psychologists are sure that they can provide something better. Even when university psychologists themselves appoint a new member of staff, they almost always resort to the traditional techniques of assessing the candidates through interviews, past records, and testimonials, and probably make at least as many bad appointments as other employers do. However, a large amount of experimental development of better methods has been carried out since 1940 by groups of psychologists in the Armed Services and in the Civil Service, and by such organizations as the (British) National Institute of Industrial Psychology and the American Institute of Research. | Unscientific systems of personality assessment have been of some use. | e |
id_4790 | Psychology and personality ASSESSMENT Our daily lives are largely made up of contacts with other people, during which we are constantly making judgments of their personalities and accommodating our behaviour to them in accordance with these judgments. A casual meeting of neighbours on the street, an employer giving instructions to an employee, a mother telling her children how to behave, a journey in a train where strangers eye one another without exchanging a word all these involve mutual interpretations of personal qualities. Success in many vocations largely depends on skill in sizing up people. It is important not only to such professionals as the clinical psychologist, the psychiatrist or the social worker, but also to the doctor or lawyer in dealing with their clients, the businessman trying to outwit his rivals, the salesman with potential customers, the teacher with his pupils, not to speak of the pupils judging their teacher. Social life, indeed, would be impossible if we did not. to some extent, understand, and react to the motives and qualities of those we meet; and clearly we are sufficiently accurate for most practical purposes, although we also recognize that misinterpretations easily arise particularly on the pare of others who judge us! Errors can often be corrected as we go along. But whenever we are pinned down to a definite decision about a person, which cannot easily be revised through his feed-back, the Inadequacies of our judgments become apparent. The hostess who wrongly thinks that the Smiths and the Joneses will get on well together can do little to retrieve the success of her party. A school or a business may be saddled for years with an undesirable member of staff, because the selection committee which interviewed him for a quarter of an hour misjudged his personality. Just because the process is so familiar and taken for granted, It has aroused little scientific curiosity until recently. Dramatists, writers and artists throughout the centuries have excelled in the portrayal of character, but have seldom stopped to ask how they, or we, get to know people, or how accurate is our knowledge. However, the popularity of such unscientific systems as Lavaters physiognomy in the eighteenth century, Galls phrenology in the nineteenth, and of handwriting interpretations by graphologists, or palm-readings by Gypsies, show that people are aware of weaknesses in their judgments and desirous of better methods of diagnosis. It is natural that they should turn to psychology for help, in the belief that psychologists are specialists in human nature. This belief is hardly justified: for the primary aim of psychology had been to establish the general laws and principles underlying behaviour and thinking, rather than to apply these to concrete problems of the individual person. A great many professional psychologists still regard it as their main function to study the nature of learning, perception and motivation in the abstracted or average human being, or in lower organisms, and consider it premature to put so young a science to practical uses. They would disclaim the possession of any superior skill in judging their fellow-men. Indeed, being more aware of the difficulties than is the non-psychologist, they may be more reluctant to commit themselves to definite predictions or decisions about other people. Nevertheless, to an increasing extent psychologists are moving into educational, occupational, clinical and other applied fields, where they are called upon to use their expertise for such purposes as fitting the education or job to the child or adult, and the person to the job, Thus a considerable proportion of their activities consists of personality assessment. The success of psychologists in personality assessment has been limited, in comparison with what they have achieved in the fields of abilities and training, with the result that most people continue to rely on unscientific methods of assessment. In recent times there has been a tremendous amount of work on personality tests, and on carefully controlled experimental studies of personality. Investigations of personality by Freudian and other depth psychologists have an even longer history. And yet psychology seems to be no nearer to providing society with practicable techniques which are sufficiently reliable and accurate to win general acceptance. The soundness of the methods of psychologists in the field of personality assessment and the value of their work are under constant fire from other psychologists, and it is far from easy to prove their worth. The growth of psychology has probably helped responsible members of society to become more aware of the difficulties of assessment. But it is not much use telling employers, educationists and judges how inaccurately they diagnose the personalities with which they have to deal unless psychologists are sure that they can provide something better. Even when university psychologists themselves appoint a new member of staff, they almost always resort to the traditional techniques of assessing the candidates through interviews, past records, and testimonials, and probably make at least as many bad appointments as other employers do. However, a large amount of experimental development of better methods has been carried out since 1940 by groups of psychologists in the Armed Services and in the Civil Service, and by such organizations as the (British) National Institute of Industrial Psychology and the American Institute of Research. | It is likely that some psychologists are no better than anyone else at assessing personality. | e |
id_4791 | Pulling strings to build pyramids No one knows exactly how the pyramids were built. Marcus Chown reckons the answer could be hanging in the air. The pyramids of Egypt were built more than three thousand years ago, and no one knows how. The conventional picture is that tens of thousands of slaves dragged stones on sledges. But there is no evidence to back this up. Now a Californian software consultant called Maureen Clemmons has suggested that kites might have been involved. While perusing a book on the monuments of Egypt, she noticed a hieroglyph that showed a row of men standing in odd postures. They were holding what looked like ropes that led, via some kind of mechanical system, to a giant bird in the sky. She wondered if perhaps the bird was actually a giant kite, and the men were using it to lift a heavy object. Intrigued, Clemmons contacted Morteza Gharib, aeronautics professor at the California Institute of Technology. He was fascinated by the idea. Coming from Iran, I have a keen interest in Middle Eastern science, he says. He too was puzzled by the picture that had sparked Clemmonss interest. The object in the sky apparently had wings far too short and wide for a bird. The possibility certainly existed that it was a kite, he says. And since he needed a summer project for his student Emilio Graff, investigating the possibility of using kites as heavy lifters seemed like a good idea. Gharib and Graff set themselves the task of raising a 4.5-metre stone column from horizontal to vertical, using no source of energy except the wind. Their initial calculations and scale-model wind-tunnel experiments convinced them they wouldnt need a strong wind to lift the 33.5-tonne column. Even a modest force, if sustained over a long time, would do. The key was to use a pulley system that would magnify the applied force. So they rigged up a tent-shaped scaffold directly above the tip of the horizontal column, with pulleys suspended from the scaffolds apex. The idea was that as one end of the column rose, the base would roll across the ground on a trolley. Earlier this year, the team put Clemmonss unlikely theory to the test, using a 40-square-metre rectangular nylon sail. The kite lifted the column clean off the ground. We were absolutely stunned, Gharib says. The instant the sail opened into the wind, a huge force was generated and the column was raised to the vertical in a mere 40 seconds. The wind was blowing at a gentle 16 to 20 kilometres an hour, little more than half what they thought would be needed. What they had failed to reckon with was what happened when the kite was opened. There was a huge initial force five times larger than the steady state force, Gharib says. This jerk meant that kites could lift huge weights, Gharib realised. Even a 300-tonne column could have been lifted to the vertical with 40 or so men and four or five sails. So Clemmons was right: the pyramid builders could have used kites to lift massive stones into place. Whether they actually did is another matter, Gharib says. There are no pictures showing the construction of the pyramids, so there is no way to tell what really happened. The evidence for using kites to move large stones is no better or worse than the evidence for the brute force method, Gharib says. Indeed, the experiments have left many specialists unconvinced. The evidence for kite-lifting is non-existent, says Willeke Wendrich, an associate professor of Egyptology at the University of California, Los Angeles. Others feel there is more of a case for the theory. Harnessing the wind would not have been a problem for accomplished sailors like the Egyptians. And they are known to have used wooden pulleys, which could have been made strong enough to bear the weight of massive blocks of stone. In addition, there is some physical evidence that the ancient Egyptians were interested in flight. A wooden artefact found on the step pyramid at Saqqara looks uncannily like a modern glider. Although it dates from several hundred years after the building of the pyramids, its sophistication suggests that the Egyptians might have been developing ideas of flight for a long time. And other ancient civilisations certainly knew about kites; as early as 1250 BC, the Chinese were using them to deliver messages and dump flaming debris on their foes. The experiments might even have practical uses nowadays. There are plenty of places around the globe where people have no access to heavy machinery, but do know how to deal with wind, sailing and basic mechanical principles. Gharib has already been contacted by a civil engineer in Nicaragua, who wants to put up buildings with adobe roofs supported by concrete arches on a site that heavy equipment cant reach. His idea is to build the arches horizontally, then lift them into place using kites. Weve given him some design hints, says Gharib. Were just waiting for him to report back. So whether they were actually used to build the pyramids or not, it seems that kites may make sensible construction tools in the 21st century AD. | Clemmons found a strange hieroglyph on the wall of an Egyptian monument. | c |
id_4792 | Pulling strings to build pyramids No one knows exactly how the pyramids were built. Marcus Chown reckons the answer could be hanging in the air. The pyramids of Egypt were built more than three thousand years ago, and no one knows how. The conventional picture is that tens of thousands of slaves dragged stones on sledges. But there is no evidence to back this up. Now a Californian software consultant called Maureen Clemmons has suggested that kites might have been involved. While perusing a book on the monuments of Egypt, she noticed a hieroglyph that showed a row of men standing in odd postures. They were holding what looked like ropes that led, via some kind of mechanical system, to a giant bird in the sky. She wondered if perhaps the bird was actually a giant kite, and the men were using it to lift a heavy object. Intrigued, Clemmons contacted Morteza Gharib, aeronautics professor at the California Institute of Technology. He was fascinated by the idea. Coming from Iran, I have a keen interest in Middle Eastern science, he says. He too was puzzled by the picture that had sparked Clemmonss interest. The object in the sky apparently had wings far too short and wide for a bird. The possibility certainly existed that it was a kite, he says. And since he needed a summer project for his student Emilio Graff, investigating the possibility of using kites as heavy lifters seemed like a good idea. Gharib and Graff set themselves the task of raising a 4.5-metre stone column from horizontal to vertical, using no source of energy except the wind. Their initial calculations and scale-model wind-tunnel experiments convinced them they wouldnt need a strong wind to lift the 33.5-tonne column. Even a modest force, if sustained over a long time, would do. The key was to use a pulley system that would magnify the applied force. So they rigged up a tent-shaped scaffold directly above the tip of the horizontal column, with pulleys suspended from the scaffolds apex. The idea was that as one end of the column rose, the base would roll across the ground on a trolley. Earlier this year, the team put Clemmonss unlikely theory to the test, using a 40-square-metre rectangular nylon sail. The kite lifted the column clean off the ground. We were absolutely stunned, Gharib says. The instant the sail opened into the wind, a huge force was generated and the column was raised to the vertical in a mere 40 seconds. The wind was blowing at a gentle 16 to 20 kilometres an hour, little more than half what they thought would be needed. What they had failed to reckon with was what happened when the kite was opened. There was a huge initial force five times larger than the steady state force, Gharib says. This jerk meant that kites could lift huge weights, Gharib realised. Even a 300-tonne column could have been lifted to the vertical with 40 or so men and four or five sails. So Clemmons was right: the pyramid builders could have used kites to lift massive stones into place. Whether they actually did is another matter, Gharib says. There are no pictures showing the construction of the pyramids, so there is no way to tell what really happened. The evidence for using kites to move large stones is no better or worse than the evidence for the brute force method, Gharib says. Indeed, the experiments have left many specialists unconvinced. The evidence for kite-lifting is non-existent, says Willeke Wendrich, an associate professor of Egyptology at the University of California, Los Angeles. Others feel there is more of a case for the theory. Harnessing the wind would not have been a problem for accomplished sailors like the Egyptians. And they are known to have used wooden pulleys, which could have been made strong enough to bear the weight of massive blocks of stone. In addition, there is some physical evidence that the ancient Egyptians were interested in flight. A wooden artefact found on the step pyramid at Saqqara looks uncannily like a modern glider. Although it dates from several hundred years after the building of the pyramids, its sophistication suggests that the Egyptians might have been developing ideas of flight for a long time. And other ancient civilisations certainly knew about kites; as early as 1250 BC, the Chinese were using them to deliver messages and dump flaming debris on their foes. The experiments might even have practical uses nowadays. There are plenty of places around the globe where people have no access to heavy machinery, but do know how to deal with wind, sailing and basic mechanical principles. Gharib has already been contacted by a civil engineer in Nicaragua, who wants to put up buildings with adobe roofs supported by concrete arches on a site that heavy equipment cant reach. His idea is to build the arches horizontally, then lift them into place using kites. Weve given him some design hints, says Gharib. Were just waiting for him to report back. So whether they were actually used to build the pyramids or not, it seems that kites may make sensible construction tools in the 21st century AD. | Gharib had previously done experiments on bird flight. | n |
id_4793 | Pulling strings to build pyramids No one knows exactly how the pyramids were built. Marcus Chown reckons the answer could be hanging in the air. The pyramids of Egypt were built more than three thousand years ago, and no one knows how. The conventional picture is that tens of thousands of slaves dragged stones on sledges. But there is no evidence to back this up. Now a Californian software consultant called Maureen Clemmons has suggested that kites might have been involved. While perusing a book on the monuments of Egypt, she noticed a hieroglyph that showed a row of men standing in odd postures. They were holding what looked like ropes that led, via some kind of mechanical system, to a giant bird in the sky. She wondered if perhaps the bird was actually a giant kite, and the men were using it to lift a heavy object. Intrigued, Clemmons contacted Morteza Gharib, aeronautics professor at the California Institute of Technology. He was fascinated by the idea. Coming from Iran, I have a keen interest in Middle Eastern science, he says. He too was puzzled by the picture that had sparked Clemmonss interest. The object in the sky apparently had wings far too short and wide for a bird. The possibility certainly existed that it was a kite, he says. And since he needed a summer project for his student Emilio Graff, investigating the possibility of using kites as heavy lifters seemed like a good idea. Gharib and Graff set themselves the task of raising a 4.5-metre stone column from horizontal to vertical, using no source of energy except the wind. Their initial calculations and scale-model wind-tunnel experiments convinced them they wouldnt need a strong wind to lift the 33.5-tonne column. Even a modest force, if sustained over a long time, would do. The key was to use a pulley system that would magnify the applied force. So they rigged up a tent-shaped scaffold directly above the tip of the horizontal column, with pulleys suspended from the scaffolds apex. The idea was that as one end of the column rose, the base would roll across the ground on a trolley. Earlier this year, the team put Clemmonss unlikely theory to the test, using a 40-square-metre rectangular nylon sail. The kite lifted the column clean off the ground. We were absolutely stunned, Gharib says. The instant the sail opened into the wind, a huge force was generated and the column was raised to the vertical in a mere 40 seconds. The wind was blowing at a gentle 16 to 20 kilometres an hour, little more than half what they thought would be needed. What they had failed to reckon with was what happened when the kite was opened. There was a huge initial force five times larger than the steady state force, Gharib says. This jerk meant that kites could lift huge weights, Gharib realised. Even a 300-tonne column could have been lifted to the vertical with 40 or so men and four or five sails. So Clemmons was right: the pyramid builders could have used kites to lift massive stones into place. Whether they actually did is another matter, Gharib says. There are no pictures showing the construction of the pyramids, so there is no way to tell what really happened. The evidence for using kites to move large stones is no better or worse than the evidence for the brute force method, Gharib says. Indeed, the experiments have left many specialists unconvinced. The evidence for kite-lifting is non-existent, says Willeke Wendrich, an associate professor of Egyptology at the University of California, Los Angeles. Others feel there is more of a case for the theory. Harnessing the wind would not have been a problem for accomplished sailors like the Egyptians. And they are known to have used wooden pulleys, which could have been made strong enough to bear the weight of massive blocks of stone. In addition, there is some physical evidence that the ancient Egyptians were interested in flight. A wooden artefact found on the step pyramid at Saqqara looks uncannily like a modern glider. Although it dates from several hundred years after the building of the pyramids, its sophistication suggests that the Egyptians might have been developing ideas of flight for a long time. And other ancient civilisations certainly knew about kites; as early as 1250 BC, the Chinese were using them to deliver messages and dump flaming debris on their foes. The experiments might even have practical uses nowadays. There are plenty of places around the globe where people have no access to heavy machinery, but do know how to deal with wind, sailing and basic mechanical principles. Gharib has already been contacted by a civil engineer in Nicaragua, who wants to put up buildings with adobe roofs supported by concrete arches on a site that heavy equipment cant reach. His idea is to build the arches horizontally, then lift them into place using kites. Weve given him some design hints, says Gharib. Were just waiting for him to report back. So whether they were actually used to build the pyramids or not, it seems that kites may make sensible construction tools in the 21st century AD. | Gharib and Graff tested their theory before applying it. | e |
id_4794 | Pulling strings to build pyramids No one knows exactly how the pyramids were built. Marcus Chown reckons the answer could be hanging in the air. The pyramids of Egypt were built more than three thousand years ago, and no one knows how. The conventional picture is that tens of thousands of slaves dragged stones on sledges. But there is no evidence to back this up. Now a Californian software consultant called Maureen Clemmons has suggested that kites might have been involved. While perusing a book on the monuments of Egypt, she noticed a hieroglyph that showed a row of men standing in odd postures. They were holding what looked like ropes that led, via some kind of mechanical system, to a giant bird in the sky. She wondered if perhaps the bird was actually a giant kite, and the men were using it to lift a heavy object. Intrigued, Clemmons contacted Morteza Gharib, aeronautics professor at the California Institute of Technology. He was fascinated by the idea. Coming from Iran, I have a keen interest in Middle Eastern science, he says. He too was puzzled by the picture that had sparked Clemmonss interest. The object in the sky apparently had wings far too short and wide for a bird. The possibility certainly existed that it was a kite, he says. And since he needed a summer project for his student Emilio Graff, investigating the possibility of using kites as heavy lifters seemed like a good idea. Gharib and Graff set themselves the task of raising a 4.5-metre stone column from horizontal to vertical, using no source of energy except the wind. Their initial calculations and scale-model wind-tunnel experiments convinced them they wouldnt need a strong wind to lift the 33.5-tonne column. Even a modest force, if sustained over a long time, would do. The key was to use a pulley system that would magnify the applied force. So they rigged up a tent-shaped scaffold directly above the tip of the horizontal column, with pulleys suspended from the scaffolds apex. The idea was that as one end of the column rose, the base would roll across the ground on a trolley. Earlier this year, the team put Clemmonss unlikely theory to the test, using a 40-square-metre rectangular nylon sail. The kite lifted the column clean off the ground. We were absolutely stunned, Gharib says. The instant the sail opened into the wind, a huge force was generated and the column was raised to the vertical in a mere 40 seconds. The wind was blowing at a gentle 16 to 20 kilometres an hour, little more than half what they thought would be needed. What they had failed to reckon with was what happened when the kite was opened. There was a huge initial force five times larger than the steady state force, Gharib says. This jerk meant that kites could lift huge weights, Gharib realised. Even a 300-tonne column could have been lifted to the vertical with 40 or so men and four or five sails. So Clemmons was right: the pyramid builders could have used kites to lift massive stones into place. Whether they actually did is another matter, Gharib says. There are no pictures showing the construction of the pyramids, so there is no way to tell what really happened. The evidence for using kites to move large stones is no better or worse than the evidence for the brute force method, Gharib says. Indeed, the experiments have left many specialists unconvinced. The evidence for kite-lifting is non-existent, says Willeke Wendrich, an associate professor of Egyptology at the University of California, Los Angeles. Others feel there is more of a case for the theory. Harnessing the wind would not have been a problem for accomplished sailors like the Egyptians. And they are known to have used wooden pulleys, which could have been made strong enough to bear the weight of massive blocks of stone. In addition, there is some physical evidence that the ancient Egyptians were interested in flight. A wooden artefact found on the step pyramid at Saqqara looks uncannily like a modern glider. Although it dates from several hundred years after the building of the pyramids, its sophistication suggests that the Egyptians might have been developing ideas of flight for a long time. And other ancient civilisations certainly knew about kites; as early as 1250 BC, the Chinese were using them to deliver messages and dump flaming debris on their foes. The experiments might even have practical uses nowadays. There are plenty of places around the globe where people have no access to heavy machinery, but do know how to deal with wind, sailing and basic mechanical principles. Gharib has already been contacted by a civil engineer in Nicaragua, who wants to put up buildings with adobe roofs supported by concrete arches on a site that heavy equipment cant reach. His idea is to build the arches horizontally, then lift them into place using kites. Weve given him some design hints, says Gharib. Were just waiting for him to report back. So whether they were actually used to build the pyramids or not, it seems that kites may make sensible construction tools in the 21st century AD. | The team decided that it was possible to use kites to raise very heavy stones. | e |
id_4795 | Pulling strings to build pyramids No one knows exactly how the pyramids were built. Marcus Chown reckons the answer could be hanging in the air. The pyramids of Egypt were built more than three thousand years ago, and no one knows how. The conventional picture is that tens of thousands of slaves dragged stones on sledges. But there is no evidence to back this up. Now a Californian software consultant called Maureen Clemmons has suggested that kites might have been involved. While perusing a book on the monuments of Egypt, she noticed a hieroglyph that showed a row of men standing in odd postures. They were holding what looked like ropes that led, via some kind of mechanical system, to a giant bird in the sky. She wondered if perhaps the bird was actually a giant kite, and the men were using it to lift a heavy object. Intrigued, Clemmons contacted Morteza Gharib, aeronautics professor at the California Institute of Technology. He was fascinated by the idea. Coming from Iran, I have a keen interest in Middle Eastern science, he says. He too was puzzled by the picture that had sparked Clemmonss interest. The object in the sky apparently had wings far too short and wide for a bird. The possibility certainly existed that it was a kite, he says. And since he needed a summer project for his student Emilio Graff, investigating the possibility of using kites as heavy lifters seemed like a good idea. Gharib and Graff set themselves the task of raising a 4.5-metre stone column from horizontal to vertical, using no source of energy except the wind. Their initial calculations and scale-model wind-tunnel experiments convinced them they wouldnt need a strong wind to lift the 33.5-tonne column. Even a modest force, if sustained over a long time, would do. The key was to use a pulley system that would magnify the applied force. So they rigged up a tent-shaped scaffold directly above the tip of the horizontal column, with pulleys suspended from the scaffolds apex. The idea was that as one end of the column rose, the base would roll across the ground on a trolley. Earlier this year, the team put Clemmonss unlikely theory to the test, using a 40-square-metre rectangular nylon sail. The kite lifted the column clean off the ground. We were absolutely stunned, Gharib says. The instant the sail opened into the wind, a huge force was generated and the column was raised to the vertical in a mere 40 seconds. The wind was blowing at a gentle 16 to 20 kilometres an hour, little more than half what they thought would be needed. What they had failed to reckon with was what happened when the kite was opened. There was a huge initial force five times larger than the steady state force, Gharib says. This jerk meant that kites could lift huge weights, Gharib realised. Even a 300-tonne column could have been lifted to the vertical with 40 or so men and four or five sails. So Clemmons was right: the pyramid builders could have used kites to lift massive stones into place. Whether they actually did is another matter, Gharib says. There are no pictures showing the construction of the pyramids, so there is no way to tell what really happened. The evidence for using kites to move large stones is no better or worse than the evidence for the brute force method, Gharib says. Indeed, the experiments have left many specialists unconvinced. The evidence for kite-lifting is non-existent, says Willeke Wendrich, an associate professor of Egyptology at the University of California, Los Angeles. Others feel there is more of a case for the theory. Harnessing the wind would not have been a problem for accomplished sailors like the Egyptians. And they are known to have used wooden pulleys, which could have been made strong enough to bear the weight of massive blocks of stone. In addition, there is some physical evidence that the ancient Egyptians were interested in flight. A wooden artefact found on the step pyramid at Saqqara looks uncannily like a modern glider. Although it dates from several hundred years after the building of the pyramids, its sophistication suggests that the Egyptians might have been developing ideas of flight for a long time. And other ancient civilisations certainly knew about kites; as early as 1250 BC, the Chinese were using them to deliver messages and dump flaming debris on their foes. The experiments might even have practical uses nowadays. There are plenty of places around the globe where people have no access to heavy machinery, but do know how to deal with wind, sailing and basic mechanical principles. Gharib has already been contacted by a civil engineer in Nicaragua, who wants to put up buildings with adobe roofs supported by concrete arches on a site that heavy equipment cant reach. His idea is to build the arches horizontally, then lift them into place using kites. Weve given him some design hints, says Gharib. Were just waiting for him to report back. So whether they were actually used to build the pyramids or not, it seems that kites may make sensible construction tools in the 21st century AD. | It is generally believed that large numbers of people were needed to build the pyramids. | e |
id_4796 | Pulling strings to build pyramids No one knows exactly how the pyramids were built. Marcus Chown reckons the answer could be hanging in the air. The pyramids of Egypt were built more than three thousand years ago, and no one knows how. The conventional picture is that tens of thousands of slaves dragged stones on sledges. But there is no evidence to back this up. Now a Californian software consultant called Maureen Clemmons has suggested that kites might have been involved. While perusing a book on the monuments of Egypt, she noticed a hieroglyph that showed a row of men standing in odd postures. They were holding what looked like ropes that led, via some kind of mechanical system, to a giant bird in the sky. She wondered if perhaps the bird was actually a giant kite, and the men were using it to lift a heavy object. Intrigued, Clemmons contacted Morteza Gharib, aeronautics professor at the California Institute of Technology. He was fascinated by the idea. Coming from Iran, I have a keen interest in Middle Eastern science, he says. He too was puzzled by the picture that had sparked Clemmonss interest. The object in the sky apparently had wings far too short and wide for a bird. The possibility certainly existed that it was a kite, he says. And since he needed a summer project for his student Emilio Graff, investigating the possibility of using kites as heavy lifters seemed like a good idea. Gharib and Graff set themselves the task of raising a 4.5-metre stone column from horizontal to vertical, using no source of energy except the wind. Their initial calculations and scale-model wind-tunnel experiments convinced them they wouldnt need a strong wind to lift the 33.5-tonne column. Even a modest force, if sustained over a long time, would do. The key was to use a pulley system that would magnify the applied force. So they rigged up a tent-shaped scaffold directly above the tip of the horizontal column, with pulleys suspended from the scaffolds apex. The idea was that as one end of the column rose, the base would roll across the ground on a trolley. Earlier this year, the team put Clemmonss unlikely theory to the test, using a 40-square-metre rectangular nylon sail. The kite lifted the column clean off the ground. We were absolutely stunned, Gharib says. The instant the sail opened into the wind, a huge force was generated and the column was raised to the vertical in a mere 40 seconds. The wind was blowing at a gentle 16 to 20 kilometres an hour, little more than half what they thought would be needed. What they had failed to reckon with was what happened when the kite was opened. There was a huge initial force five times larger than the steady state force, Gharib says. This jerk meant that kites could lift huge weights, Gharib realised. Even a 300-tonne column could have been lifted to the vertical with 40 or so men and four or five sails. So Clemmons was right: the pyramid builders could have used kites to lift massive stones into place. Whether they actually did is another matter, Gharib says. There are no pictures showing the construction of the pyramids, so there is no way to tell what really happened. The evidence for using kites to move large stones is no better or worse than the evidence for the brute force method, Gharib says. Indeed, the experiments have left many specialists unconvinced. The evidence for kite-lifting is non-existent, says Willeke Wendrich, an associate professor of Egyptology at the University of California, Los Angeles. Others feel there is more of a case for the theory. Harnessing the wind would not have been a problem for accomplished sailors like the Egyptians. And they are known to have used wooden pulleys, which could have been made strong enough to bear the weight of massive blocks of stone. In addition, there is some physical evidence that the ancient Egyptians were interested in flight. A wooden artefact found on the step pyramid at Saqqara looks uncannily like a modern glider. Although it dates from several hundred years after the building of the pyramids, its sophistication suggests that the Egyptians might have been developing ideas of flight for a long time. And other ancient civilisations certainly knew about kites; as early as 1250 BC, the Chinese were using them to deliver messages and dump flaming debris on their foes. The experiments might even have practical uses nowadays. There are plenty of places around the globe where people have no access to heavy machinery, but do know how to deal with wind, sailing and basic mechanical principles. Gharib has already been contacted by a civil engineer in Nicaragua, who wants to put up buildings with adobe roofs supported by concrete arches on a site that heavy equipment cant reach. His idea is to build the arches horizontally, then lift them into place using kites. Weve given him some design hints, says Gharib. Were just waiting for him to report back. So whether they were actually used to build the pyramids or not, it seems that kites may make sensible construction tools in the 21st century AD. | The success of the actual experiment was due to the high speed of the wind. | c |
id_4797 | Pulling strings to build pyramids No one knows exactly how the pyramids were built. Marcus Chown reckons the answer could be hanging in the air. The pyramids of Egypt were built more than three thousand years ago, and no one knows how. The conventional picture is that tens of thousands of slaves dragged stones on sledges. But there is no evidence to back this up. Now a Californian software consultant called Maureen Clemmons has suggested that kites might have been involved. While perusing a book on the monuments of Egypt, she noticed a hieroglyph that showed a row of men standing in odd postures. They were holding what looked like ropes that led, via some kind of mechanical system, to a giant bird in the sky. She wondered if perhaps the bird was actually a giant kite, and the men were using it to lift a heavy object. Intrigued, Clemmons contacted Morteza Gharib, aeronautics professor at the California Institute of Technology. He was fascinated by the idea. Coming from Iran, I have a keen interest in Middle Eastern science, he says. He too was puzzled by the picture that had sparked Clemmonss interest. The object in the sky apparently had wings far too short and wide for a bird. The possibility certainly existed that it was a kite, he says. And since he needed a summer project for his student Emilio Graff, investigating the possibility of using kites as heavy lifters seemed like a good idea. Gharib and Graff set themselves the task of raising a 4.5-metre stone column from horizontal to vertical, using no source of energy except the wind. Their initial calculations and scale-model wind-tunnel experiments convinced them they wouldnt need a strong wind to lift the 33.5-tonne column. Even a modest force, if sustained over a long time, would do. The key was to use a pulley system that would magnify the applied force. So they rigged up a tent-shaped scaffold directly above the tip of the horizontal column, with pulleys suspended from the scaffolds apex. The idea was that as one end of the column rose, the base would roll across the ground on a trolley. Earlier this year, the team put Clemmonss unlikely theory to the test, using a 40-square-metre rectangular nylon sail. The kite lifted the column clean off the ground. We were absolutely stunned, Gharib says. The instant the sail opened into the wind, a huge force was generated and the column was raised to the vertical in a mere 40 seconds. The wind was blowing at a gentle 16 to 20 kilometres an hour, little more than half what they thought would be needed. What they had failed to reckon with was what happened when the kite was opened. There was a huge initial force five times larger than the steady state force, Gharib says. This jerk meant that kites could lift huge weights, Gharib realised. Even a 300-tonne column could have been lifted to the vertical with 40 or so men and four or five sails. So Clemmons was right: the pyramid builders could have used kites to lift massive stones into place. Whether they actually did is another matter, Gharib says. There are no pictures showing the construction of the pyramids, so there is no way to tell what really happened. The evidence for using kites to move large stones is no better or worse than the evidence for the brute force method, Gharib says. Indeed, the experiments have left many specialists unconvinced. The evidence for kite-lifting is non-existent, says Willeke Wendrich, an associate professor of Egyptology at the University of California, Los Angeles. Others feel there is more of a case for the theory. Harnessing the wind would not have been a problem for accomplished sailors like the Egyptians. And they are known to have used wooden pulleys, which could have been made strong enough to bear the weight of massive blocks of stone. In addition, there is some physical evidence that the ancient Egyptians were interested in flight. A wooden artefact found on the step pyramid at Saqqara looks uncannily like a modern glider. Although it dates from several hundred years after the building of the pyramids, its sophistication suggests that the Egyptians might have been developing ideas of flight for a long time. And other ancient civilisations certainly knew about kites; as early as 1250 BC, the Chinese were using them to deliver messages and dump flaming debris on their foes. The experiments might even have practical uses nowadays. There are plenty of places around the globe where people have no access to heavy machinery, but do know how to deal with wind, sailing and basic mechanical principles. Gharib has already been contacted by a civil engineer in Nicaragua, who wants to put up buildings with adobe roofs supported by concrete arches on a site that heavy equipment cant reach. His idea is to build the arches horizontally, then lift them into place using kites. Weve given him some design hints, says Gharib. Were just waiting for him to report back. So whether they were actually used to build the pyramids or not, it seems that kites may make sensible construction tools in the 21st century AD. | They found that, as the kite flew higher, the wind force got stronger. | n |
id_4798 | READING THE SCREEN Are the electronic media exacerbating illiteracy and making our children stupid? On the contrary, says Colin McCabe, they have the potential to make us truly literate. The debate surrounding literacy is one of the most charged in education. On the one hand there is an army of people convinced that traditional skills of reading and writing are declining. On the other, a host of progressives protest that literacy is much more complicated than a simple technical mastery of reading and writing. This second position is supported by most of the relevant academic work over the past 20 years. These studies argue that literacy can only be understood in its social and technical context. In Renaissance England, for example, many more people could read than could write, and within reading there was a distinction between those who could read print and those who could manage the more difficult task of reading manuscript. An understanding of these earlier periods helps us understand todays crisis in literacy debate. There does seem to be evidence that there has been an overall decline in some aspects of reading and writing you only need to compare the tabloid newspapers of today with those of 50 years ago to see a clear decrease in vocabulary and simplification of syntax. But the picture is not uniform and doesnt readily demonstrate the simple distinction between literate and illiterate which had been considered adequate since the middle of the 19th century. While reading a certain amount of writing is as crucial as it has ever been in industrial societies, it is doubtful whether a fully extended grasp of either is as necessary as it was 30 or 40 years ago. While print retains much of its authority as a source of topical information, television has increasingly usurped this role. The ability to write fluent letters has been undermined by the telephone and research suggests that for many people the only use for writing, outside formal education, is the compilation of shopping lists. The decision of some car manufacturers to issue their instructions to mechanics as a video pack rather than as a handbook might be taken to spell the end of any automatic link between industrialisation and literacy. On the other hand, it is also the case that ever-increasing numbers of people make their living out of writing, which is better rewarded than ever before. Schools are generally seen as institutions where the book rules film, television and recorded sound have almost no place; but it is not clear that this opposition is appropriate. While you may not need to read and write to watch television, you certainly need to be able to read and write in order to make programmes. Those who work in the new media are anything but illiterate. The traditional oppositions between old and new media are inadequate for understanding the world which a young child now encounters. The computer has re-established a central place for the written word on the screen, which used to be entirely devoted to the image. There is even anecdotal evidence that children are mastering reading and writing in order to get on to the Internet. There is no reason why the new and old media cannot be integrated in schools to provide the skills to become economically productive and politically enfranchised. Nevertheless, there is a crisis in literacy and it would be foolish to ignore it. To understand that literacy may be declining because it is less central to some aspects of everyday life is not the same as acquiescing in this state of affairs. The production of school work with the new technologies could be a significant stimulus to literacy. How should these new technologies be introduced into the schools? It isnt enough to call for computers, camcorders and edit suites in every classroom; unless they are properly integrated into the educational culture, they will stand unused. Evidence suggests that this is the fate of most information technology used in the classroom. Similarly, although media studies are now part of the national curriculum, and more and more students are now clamouring to take these course, teachers remain uncertain about both methods and aims in this area. This is not the fault of the teachers. The entertainment and information industries must be drawn into a debate with the educational institutions to determine how best to blend these new technologies into the classroom. Many people in our era are drawn to the pessimistic view that the new media are destroying old skills and eroding critical judgement. It may be true that past generations were more literate but taking the pre-19th century meaning of the term this was true of only a small section of the population. The word literacy is a 19th-century coinage to describe the divorce of reading and writing from a full knowledge of literature. The education reforms of the 19th century produced reading and writing as skills separable from full participation in the cultural heritage. The new media now point not only to a futuristic cyber-economy, they also make our cultural past available to the whole nation. Most childrens access to these treasures is initially through television. It is doubtful whether our literary heritage has ever been available to or sought out by more than about 5 per cent of the population; it has certainly not been available to more than 10 per cent. But the new media joined to the old, through the public service tradition of British broadcasting, now makes our literary tradition available to all. | It is not as easy to analyse literacy levels as it used to be. | e |
id_4799 | READING THE SCREEN Are the electronic media exacerbating illiteracy and making our children stupid? On the contrary, says Colin McCabe, they have the potential to make us truly literate. The debate surrounding literacy is one of the most charged in education. On the one hand there is an army of people convinced that traditional skills of reading and writing are declining. On the other, a host of progressives protest that literacy is much more complicated than a simple technical mastery of reading and writing. This second position is supported by most of the relevant academic work over the past 20 years. These studies argue that literacy can only be understood in its social and technical context. In Renaissance England, for example, many more people could read than could write, and within reading there was a distinction between those who could read print and those who could manage the more difficult task of reading manuscript. An understanding of these earlier periods helps us understand todays crisis in literacy debate. There does seem to be evidence that there has been an overall decline in some aspects of reading and writing you only need to compare the tabloid newspapers of today with those of 50 years ago to see a clear decrease in vocabulary and simplification of syntax. But the picture is not uniform and doesnt readily demonstrate the simple distinction between literate and illiterate which had been considered adequate since the middle of the 19th century. While reading a certain amount of writing is as crucial as it has ever been in industrial societies, it is doubtful whether a fully extended grasp of either is as necessary as it was 30 or 40 years ago. While print retains much of its authority as a source of topical information, television has increasingly usurped this role. The ability to write fluent letters has been undermined by the telephone and research suggests that for many people the only use for writing, outside formal education, is the compilation of shopping lists. The decision of some car manufacturers to issue their instructions to mechanics as a video pack rather than as a handbook might be taken to spell the end of any automatic link between industrialisation and literacy. On the other hand, it is also the case that ever-increasing numbers of people make their living out of writing, which is better rewarded than ever before. Schools are generally seen as institutions where the book rules film, television and recorded sound have almost no place; but it is not clear that this opposition is appropriate. While you may not need to read and write to watch television, you certainly need to be able to read and write in order to make programmes. Those who work in the new media are anything but illiterate. The traditional oppositions between old and new media are inadequate for understanding the world which a young child now encounters. The computer has re-established a central place for the written word on the screen, which used to be entirely devoted to the image. There is even anecdotal evidence that children are mastering reading and writing in order to get on to the Internet. There is no reason why the new and old media cannot be integrated in schools to provide the skills to become economically productive and politically enfranchised. Nevertheless, there is a crisis in literacy and it would be foolish to ignore it. To understand that literacy may be declining because it is less central to some aspects of everyday life is not the same as acquiescing in this state of affairs. The production of school work with the new technologies could be a significant stimulus to literacy. How should these new technologies be introduced into the schools? It isnt enough to call for computers, camcorders and edit suites in every classroom; unless they are properly integrated into the educational culture, they will stand unused. Evidence suggests that this is the fate of most information technology used in the classroom. Similarly, although media studies are now part of the national curriculum, and more and more students are now clamouring to take these course, teachers remain uncertain about both methods and aims in this area. This is not the fault of the teachers. The entertainment and information industries must be drawn into a debate with the educational institutions to determine how best to blend these new technologies into the classroom. Many people in our era are drawn to the pessimistic view that the new media are destroying old skills and eroding critical judgement. It may be true that past generations were more literate but taking the pre-19th century meaning of the term this was true of only a small section of the population. The word literacy is a 19th-century coinage to describe the divorce of reading and writing from a full knowledge of literature. The education reforms of the 19th century produced reading and writing as skills separable from full participation in the cultural heritage. The new media now point not only to a futuristic cyber-economy, they also make our cultural past available to the whole nation. Most childrens access to these treasures is initially through television. It is doubtful whether our literary heritage has ever been available to or sought out by more than about 5 per cent of the population; it has certainly not been available to more than 10 per cent. But the new media joined to the old, through the public service tradition of British broadcasting, now makes our literary tradition available to all. | Professional writers earn relatively more than they used to. | e |
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