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id_3700
Koala. Koalas are just too nice for their own good. And except for the occasional baby taken by birds of prey, koalas have no natural enemies. In an ideal world, the life of an arboreal couch potato would be perfectly safe and acceptable. Just two hundred years ago, koalas flourished across Australia. Now they seem to be in decline, but exact numbers are not available as the species would not seem to be 'under threat'. Their problem, however, has been man, more specifically, the white man. Koala and aborigine had co-existed peacefully for centuries. Today koalas are found only in scattered pockets of southeast Australia, where they seem to be at risk on several fronts. The koala's only food source, the eucalyptus tree, has declined. In the past 200 years, a third of Australia's eucalyptus forests have disappeared. Koalas have been killed by parasites, chlamydia epidemics and a tumour-causing retrovirus. And every year 11,000 are killed by cars, ironically most of them in wildlife sanctuaries, and thousands are killed by poachers. Some are also taken illegally as pets. The animals usually soon die, but they are easily replaced. Bush fires pose another threat. The horrific ones that raged in New South Wales recently killed between 100 and 1,000 koalas. Many that were taken into sanctuaries and shelters were found to have burnt their paws on the glowing embers. But zoologists say that the species should recover. The koalas will be aided by the eucalyptus, which grows quickly and is already burgeoning forth after the fires. So the main problem to their survival is their slow reproductive rate they produce only one baby a year over a reproductive lifespan of about nine years. The latest problem for the species is perhaps more insidious. With plush, grey fur, dark amber eyes and button nose, koalas are cuddliness incarnate. Australian zoos and wildlife parks have taken advantage of their uncomplaining attitudes, and charge visitors to be photographed hugging the furry bundles. But people may not realise how cruel this is, but because of the koala's delicate disposition, constant handling can push an already precariously balanced physiology over the edge. Koalas only eat the foliage of certain species of eucalyptus trees, between 600 and 1,250 grams a day. The tough leaves are packed with cellulose, tannins, aromatic oils and precursors of toxic cyanides. To handle this cocktail, koalas have a specialised digestive system. Cellulose-digesting bacteria in the caecum break down fibre, while a specially adapted gut and liver process the toxins. To digest their food properly, koalas must sit still for 21 hours every day. Koalas are the epitome of innocence and inoffensiveness. Although they are capable of ripping open a man's arm with their needle-sharp claws, or giving a nasty nip, they simply wouldn't. If you upset a koala, it may blink or swallow, or hiccup. But attack? No way! Koalas are just not aggressive. They use their claws to grip the hard smooth bark of eucalyptus trees. They are also very sensitive, and the slightest upset can prevent them from breeding, cause them to go off their food, and succumb to gut infections. Koalas are stoic creatures and put on a brave face until they are at death's door. One day they may appear healthy, the next they could be dead. Captive koalas have to be weighed daily to check that they are feeding properly. A sudden loss of weight is usually the only warning keepers have that their charge is ill. Only two keepers plus a vet were allowed to handle London Zoo's koalas, as these creatures are only comfortable with people they know. A request for the koala to be taken to meet the Queen was refused because of the distress this would have caused the marsupial. Sadly, London's Zoo no longer has a koala. Two years ago the female koala died of a cancer caused by a retrovirus. When they come into heat, female koalas become more active, and start losing weight, but after about sixteen days, heat ends and the weight piles back on. London's koala did not. Surgery revealed hundreds of pea-sized tumours. Almost every zoo in Australia has koalas. The marsupial has become the Animal Ambassador of the nation, but nowhere outside Australia would handling by the public be allowed. Koala cuddling screams in the face of every rule of good care. First, some zoos allow koalas to be passed from stranger to stranger, many children who love to squeeze. Secondly, most people have no idea of how to handle the animals; they like to cling on to their handler, all in their own good time and use his or her arm as a tree. For such reasons, the Association of Fauna and Marine parks, an Australian conservation society is campaigning to ban koala cuddling. Policy on koala handling is determined by state government authorities. And the largest of the numbers in the Australian Nature Conservation Agency, with the aim of instituting national guidelines. Following a wave of publicity, some zoos and wildlife parks have stopped turning their koalas into photo.
Koalas like to hold a person's arm when they are embraced.
e
id_3701
Kormilda College Kormilda College is a unique school situated near Darwin in Australias Northern Territory. For 20 years, to 1989, Kormilda College operated as a government-run, live-in school for high school Aboriginal students. In 1989 it was bought from the government by two Christian church groups and since then it has expanded enormously, to include a day school as well as boarders (residential students) in Years 8-12. Although 320 pupils of the Colleges total number are Aboriginal students, drawn mainly from isolated communities across the Northern Territory, Kormilda also has a waiting list of non-Aboriginal students. With a current enrolment of 600, student numbers are expected to grow to 860 by 1999. Central to the mission of the school is the encouragement of individual excellence, which has resulted in programs designed especially for the student population. Specialist support programs allow traditional Aboriginal students, who are often second language users, to understand and succeed in the mainstream curriculum. A Gifted and Talented Program, including a special Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Tertiary Aspirations program, has been introduced, as has an Adaptive Education Unit. Moreover, in Years 11 and 12, students may choose to follow the standard Northern Territory Courses, or those of the International Baccalaureate (LB. ). To provide appropriate pastoral care, as well as a suitable academic structure, three distinct sub-schools have been established. Pre-Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in Years 8-10 who are of secondary school age but have difficulties reading and writing. Supported Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students who are of secondary school age and operating at secondary school year levels 8-12 who need specific second language literacy and numeracy support. Secondary: For multi-cultural Years 8-12 students. Students remain in their sub-schools for classes in the main subject areas of English, Maths, Social Education and Science. This arrangement takes into account both diverse levels of literacy and the styles of learning and cultural understandings appropriate to traditional Aboriginal second-language users. In elective subjects chosen by the students which include lndonesian, Music, Art, Drama, Science for Life, Commerce, Geography, Modern History, Woodwork, Metal Work, Economics and Legal Studies students mix on the basis of subject interest. To aid the development of the Aboriginal Education program, a specialist curriculum Support Unit has been set up. One of its functions is to re-package school courses so that they can be taught in ways that suit the students. The education program offered to Aboriginal students uses an approach which begins with the students own experiences and gradually builds bi-cultural understanding. In one course, Introducing Western European Culture Through Traditional Story-Telling, students are helped to build a common base for approaching the English literature curriculum. Drawing on the oral culture of traditional Aboriginal communities, they are introduced to traditional stories of other cultures, both oral and written. In a foundational Year 10 course, Theory of Learning, concepts from Aboriginal culture are placed side by side with European concepts so that students can use their own knowledge base to help bridge the cultural divide. Another project of the Support Unit has been the publication of several books, the most popular, Kormilda Capers. The idea for Kormilda Capers came about when it became obvious that there was a lack of engaging material for the schools teenage readers. One of the stories in the book, The Bulman Mob hits the Big Smoke, recounts the adventures of Kormilda pupils on their first visit to Sydney, Canberra and the snow country. Focussing on experiences which have directly affected the lives of students at the College, and on ideas and issues which are of immediate interest to Aboriginal students, Kormilda Capers has earned enthusiastic support within and outside the school.
The Pre-Secondary School attracts the best teachers.
n
id_3702
Kormilda College Kormilda College is a unique school situated near Darwin in Australias Northern Territory. For 20 years, to 1989, Kormilda College operated as a government-run, live-in school for high school Aboriginal students. In 1989 it was bought from the government by two Christian church groups and since then it has expanded enormously, to include a day school as well as boarders (residential students) in Years 8-12. Although 320 pupils of the Colleges total number are Aboriginal students, drawn mainly from isolated communities across the Northern Territory, Kormilda also has a waiting list of non-Aboriginal students. With a current enrolment of 600, student numbers are expected to grow to 860 by 1999. Central to the mission of the school is the encouragement of individual excellence, which has resulted in programs designed especially for the student population. Specialist support programs allow traditional Aboriginal students, who are often second language users, to understand and succeed in the mainstream curriculum. A Gifted and Talented Program, including a special Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Tertiary Aspirations program, has been introduced, as has an Adaptive Education Unit. Moreover, in Years 11 and 12, students may choose to follow the standard Northern Territory Courses, or those of the International Baccalaureate (LB. ). To provide appropriate pastoral care, as well as a suitable academic structure, three distinct sub-schools have been established. Pre-Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in Years 8-10 who are of secondary school age but have difficulties reading and writing. Supported Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students who are of secondary school age and operating at secondary school year levels 8-12 who need specific second language literacy and numeracy support. Secondary: For multi-cultural Years 8-12 students. Students remain in their sub-schools for classes in the main subject areas of English, Maths, Social Education and Science. This arrangement takes into account both diverse levels of literacy and the styles of learning and cultural understandings appropriate to traditional Aboriginal second-language users. In elective subjects chosen by the students which include lndonesian, Music, Art, Drama, Science for Life, Commerce, Geography, Modern History, Woodwork, Metal Work, Economics and Legal Studies students mix on the basis of subject interest. To aid the development of the Aboriginal Education program, a specialist curriculum Support Unit has been set up. One of its functions is to re-package school courses so that they can be taught in ways that suit the students. The education program offered to Aboriginal students uses an approach which begins with the students own experiences and gradually builds bi-cultural understanding. In one course, Introducing Western European Culture Through Traditional Story-Telling, students are helped to build a common base for approaching the English literature curriculum. Drawing on the oral culture of traditional Aboriginal communities, they are introduced to traditional stories of other cultures, both oral and written. In a foundational Year 10 course, Theory of Learning, concepts from Aboriginal culture are placed side by side with European concepts so that students can use their own knowledge base to help bridge the cultural divide. Another project of the Support Unit has been the publication of several books, the most popular, Kormilda Capers. The idea for Kormilda Capers came about when it became obvious that there was a lack of engaging material for the schools teenage readers. One of the stories in the book, The Bulman Mob hits the Big Smoke, recounts the adventures of Kormilda pupils on their first visit to Sydney, Canberra and the snow country. Focussing on experiences which have directly affected the lives of students at the College, and on ideas and issues which are of immediate interest to Aboriginal students, Kormilda Capers has earned enthusiastic support within and outside the school.
The specialist curriculum Support Unit adapts school courses so the students can approach them more easily.
e
id_3703
Kormilda College Kormilda College is a unique school situated near Darwin in Australias Northern Territory. For 20 years, to 1989, Kormilda College operated as a government-run, live-in school for high school Aboriginal students. In 1989 it was bought from the government by two Christian church groups and since then it has expanded enormously, to include a day school as well as boarders (residential students) in Years 8-12. Although 320 pupils of the Colleges total number are Aboriginal students, drawn mainly from isolated communities across the Northern Territory, Kormilda also has a waiting list of non-Aboriginal students. With a current enrolment of 600, student numbers are expected to grow to 860 by 1999. Central to the mission of the school is the encouragement of individual excellence, which has resulted in programs designed especially for the student population. Specialist support programs allow traditional Aboriginal students, who are often second language users, to understand and succeed in the mainstream curriculum. A Gifted and Talented Program, including a special Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Tertiary Aspirations program, has been introduced, as has an Adaptive Education Unit. Moreover, in Years 11 and 12, students may choose to follow the standard Northern Territory Courses, or those of the International Baccalaureate (LB. ). To provide appropriate pastoral care, as well as a suitable academic structure, three distinct sub-schools have been established. Pre-Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in Years 8-10 who are of secondary school age but have difficulties reading and writing. Supported Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students who are of secondary school age and operating at secondary school year levels 8-12 who need specific second language literacy and numeracy support. Secondary: For multi-cultural Years 8-12 students. Students remain in their sub-schools for classes in the main subject areas of English, Maths, Social Education and Science. This arrangement takes into account both diverse levels of literacy and the styles of learning and cultural understandings appropriate to traditional Aboriginal second-language users. In elective subjects chosen by the students which include lndonesian, Music, Art, Drama, Science for Life, Commerce, Geography, Modern History, Woodwork, Metal Work, Economics and Legal Studies students mix on the basis of subject interest. To aid the development of the Aboriginal Education program, a specialist curriculum Support Unit has been set up. One of its functions is to re-package school courses so that they can be taught in ways that suit the students. The education program offered to Aboriginal students uses an approach which begins with the students own experiences and gradually builds bi-cultural understanding. In one course, Introducing Western European Culture Through Traditional Story-Telling, students are helped to build a common base for approaching the English literature curriculum. Drawing on the oral culture of traditional Aboriginal communities, they are introduced to traditional stories of other cultures, both oral and written. In a foundational Year 10 course, Theory of Learning, concepts from Aboriginal culture are placed side by side with European concepts so that students can use their own knowledge base to help bridge the cultural divide. Another project of the Support Unit has been the publication of several books, the most popular, Kormilda Capers. The idea for Kormilda Capers came about when it became obvious that there was a lack of engaging material for the schools teenage readers. One of the stories in the book, The Bulman Mob hits the Big Smoke, recounts the adventures of Kormilda pupils on their first visit to Sydney, Canberra and the snow country. Focussing on experiences which have directly affected the lives of students at the College, and on ideas and issues which are of immediate interest to Aboriginal students, Kormilda Capers has earned enthusiastic support within and outside the school.
Students must study both the international Baccalaureate and Northern Territory courses.
c
id_3704
Kormilda College Kormilda College is a unique school situated near Darwin in Australias Northern Territory. For 20 years, to 1989, Kormilda College operated as a government-run, live-in school for high school Aboriginal students. In 1989 it was bought from the government by two Christian church groups and since then it has expanded enormously, to include a day school as well as boarders (residential students) in Years 8-12. Although 320 pupils of the Colleges total number are Aboriginal students, drawn mainly from isolated communities across the Northern Territory, Kormilda also has a waiting list of non-Aboriginal students. With a current enrolment of 600, student numbers are expected to grow to 860 by 1999. Central to the mission of the school is the encouragement of individual excellence, which has resulted in programs designed especially for the student population. Specialist support programs allow traditional Aboriginal students, who are often second language users, to understand and succeed in the mainstream curriculum. A Gifted and Talented Program, including a special Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Tertiary Aspirations program, has been introduced, as has an Adaptive Education Unit. Moreover, in Years 11 and 12, students may choose to follow the standard Northern Territory Courses, or those of the International Baccalaureate (LB. ). To provide appropriate pastoral care, as well as a suitable academic structure, three distinct sub-schools have been established. Pre-Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in Years 8-10 who are of secondary school age but have difficulties reading and writing. Supported Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students who are of secondary school age and operating at secondary school year levels 8-12 who need specific second language literacy and numeracy support. Secondary: For multi-cultural Years 8-12 students. Students remain in their sub-schools for classes in the main subject areas of English, Maths, Social Education and Science. This arrangement takes into account both diverse levels of literacy and the styles of learning and cultural understandings appropriate to traditional Aboriginal second-language users. In elective subjects chosen by the students which include lndonesian, Music, Art, Drama, Science for Life, Commerce, Geography, Modern History, Woodwork, Metal Work, Economics and Legal Studies students mix on the basis of subject interest. To aid the development of the Aboriginal Education program, a specialist curriculum Support Unit has been set up. One of its functions is to re-package school courses so that they can be taught in ways that suit the students. The education program offered to Aboriginal students uses an approach which begins with the students own experiences and gradually builds bi-cultural understanding. In one course, Introducing Western European Culture Through Traditional Story-Telling, students are helped to build a common base for approaching the English literature curriculum. Drawing on the oral culture of traditional Aboriginal communities, they are introduced to traditional stories of other cultures, both oral and written. In a foundational Year 10 course, Theory of Learning, concepts from Aboriginal culture are placed side by side with European concepts so that students can use their own knowledge base to help bridge the cultural divide. Another project of the Support Unit has been the publication of several books, the most popular, Kormilda Capers. The idea for Kormilda Capers came about when it became obvious that there was a lack of engaging material for the schools teenage readers. One of the stories in the book, The Bulman Mob hits the Big Smoke, recounts the adventures of Kormilda pupils on their first visit to Sydney, Canberra and the snow country. Focussing on experiences which have directly affected the lives of students at the College, and on ideas and issues which are of immediate interest to Aboriginal students, Kormilda Capers has earned enthusiastic support within and outside the school.
Some students travel from Arnhem Land to attend Kormilda College.
n
id_3705
Kormilda College Kormilda College is a unique school situated near Darwin in Australias Northern Territory. For 20 years, to 1989, Kormilda College operated as a government-run, live-in school for high school Aboriginal students. In 1989 it was bought from the government by two Christian church groups and since then it has expanded enormously, to include a day school as well as boarders (residential students) in Years 8-12. Although 320 pupils of the Colleges total number are Aboriginal students, drawn mainly from isolated communities across the Northern Territory, Kormilda also has a waiting list of non-Aboriginal students. With a current enrolment of 600, student numbers are expected to grow to 860 by 1999. Central to the mission of the school is the encouragement of individual excellence, which has resulted in programs designed especially for the student population. Specialist support programs allow traditional Aboriginal students, who are often second language users, to understand and succeed in the mainstream curriculum. A Gifted and Talented Program, including a special Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Tertiary Aspirations program, has been introduced, as has an Adaptive Education Unit. Moreover, in Years 11 and 12, students may choose to follow the standard Northern Territory Courses, or those of the International Baccalaureate (LB. ). To provide appropriate pastoral care, as well as a suitable academic structure, three distinct sub-schools have been established. Pre-Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in Years 8-10 who are of secondary school age but have difficulties reading and writing. Supported Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students who are of secondary school age and operating at secondary school year levels 8-12 who need specific second language literacy and numeracy support. Secondary: For multi-cultural Years 8-12 students. Students remain in their sub-schools for classes in the main subject areas of English, Maths, Social Education and Science. This arrangement takes into account both diverse levels of literacy and the styles of learning and cultural understandings appropriate to traditional Aboriginal second-language users. In elective subjects chosen by the students which include lndonesian, Music, Art, Drama, Science for Life, Commerce, Geography, Modern History, Woodwork, Metal Work, Economics and Legal Studies students mix on the basis of subject interest. To aid the development of the Aboriginal Education program, a specialist curriculum Support Unit has been set up. One of its functions is to re-package school courses so that they can be taught in ways that suit the students. The education program offered to Aboriginal students uses an approach which begins with the students own experiences and gradually builds bi-cultural understanding. In one course, Introducing Western European Culture Through Traditional Story-Telling, students are helped to build a common base for approaching the English literature curriculum. Drawing on the oral culture of traditional Aboriginal communities, they are introduced to traditional stories of other cultures, both oral and written. In a foundational Year 10 course, Theory of Learning, concepts from Aboriginal culture are placed side by side with European concepts so that students can use their own knowledge base to help bridge the cultural divide. Another project of the Support Unit has been the publication of several books, the most popular, Kormilda Capers. The idea for Kormilda Capers came about when it became obvious that there was a lack of engaging material for the schools teenage readers. One of the stories in the book, The Bulman Mob hits the Big Smoke, recounts the adventures of Kormilda pupils on their first visit to Sydney, Canberra and the snow country. Focussing on experiences which have directly affected the lives of students at the College, and on ideas and issues which are of immediate interest to Aboriginal students, Kormilda Capers has earned enthusiastic support within and outside the school.
There are no oral traditional stories in Western communities.
n
id_3706
Kormilda College Kormilda College is a unique school situated near Darwin in Australias Northern Territory. For 20 years, to 1989, Kormilda College operated as a government-run, live-in school for high school Aboriginal students. In 1989 it was bought from the government by two Christian church groups and since then it has expanded enormously, to include a day school as well as boarders (residential students) in Years 8-12. Although 320 pupils of the Colleges total number are Aboriginal students, drawn mainly from isolated communities across the Northern Territory, Kormilda also has a waiting list of non-Aboriginal students. With a current enrolment of 600, student numbers are expected to grow to 860 by 1999. Central to the mission of the school is the encouragement of individual excellence, which has resulted in programs designed especially for the student population. Specialist support programs allow traditional Aboriginal students, who are often second language users, to understand and succeed in the mainstream curriculum. A Gifted and Talented Program, including a special Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Tertiary Aspirations program, has been introduced, as has an Adaptive Education Unit. Moreover, in Years 11 and 12, students may choose to follow the standard Northern Territory Courses, or those of the International Baccalaureate (LB. ). To provide appropriate pastoral care, as well as a suitable academic structure, three distinct sub-schools have been established. Pre-Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in Years 8-10 who are of secondary school age but have difficulties reading and writing. Supported Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students who are of secondary school age and operating at secondary school year levels 8-12 who need specific second language literacy and numeracy support. Secondary: For multi-cultural Years 8-12 students. Students remain in their sub-schools for classes in the main subject areas of English, Maths, Social Education and Science. This arrangement takes into account both diverse levels of literacy and the styles of learning and cultural understandings appropriate to traditional Aboriginal second-language users. In elective subjects chosen by the students which include lndonesian, Music, Art, Drama, Science for Life, Commerce, Geography, Modern History, Woodwork, Metal Work, Economics and Legal Studies students mix on the basis of subject interest. To aid the development of the Aboriginal Education program, a specialist curriculum Support Unit has been set up. One of its functions is to re-package school courses so that they can be taught in ways that suit the students. The education program offered to Aboriginal students uses an approach which begins with the students own experiences and gradually builds bi-cultural understanding. In one course, Introducing Western European Culture Through Traditional Story-Telling, students are helped to build a common base for approaching the English literature curriculum. Drawing on the oral culture of traditional Aboriginal communities, they are introduced to traditional stories of other cultures, both oral and written. In a foundational Year 10 course, Theory of Learning, concepts from Aboriginal culture are placed side by side with European concepts so that students can use their own knowledge base to help bridge the cultural divide. Another project of the Support Unit has been the publication of several books, the most popular, Kormilda Capers. The idea for Kormilda Capers came about when it became obvious that there was a lack of engaging material for the schools teenage readers. One of the stories in the book, The Bulman Mob hits the Big Smoke, recounts the adventures of Kormilda pupils on their first visit to Sydney, Canberra and the snow country. Focussing on experiences which have directly affected the lives of students at the College, and on ideas and issues which are of immediate interest to Aboriginal students, Kormilda Capers has earned enthusiastic support within and outside the school.
Kormilda College educates both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal students.
e
id_3707
Kormilda College Kormilda College is a unique school situated near Darwin in Australias Northern Territory. For 20 years, to 1989, Kormilda College operated as a government-run, live-in school for high school Aboriginal students. In 1989 it was bought from the government by two Christian church groups and since then it has expanded enormously, to include a day school as well as boarders (residential students) in Years 8-12. Although 320 pupils of the Colleges total number are Aboriginal students, drawn mainly from isolated communities across the Northern Territory, Kormilda also has a waiting list of non-Aboriginal students. With a current enrolment of 600, student numbers are expected to grow to 860 by 1999. Central to the mission of the school is the encouragement of individual excellence, which has resulted in programs designed especially for the student population. Specialist support programs allow traditional Aboriginal students, who are often second language users, to understand and succeed in the mainstream curriculum. A Gifted and Talented Program, including a special Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Tertiary Aspirations program, has been introduced, as has an Adaptive Education Unit. Moreover, in Years 11 and 12, students may choose to follow the standard Northern Territory Courses, or those of the International Baccalaureate (LB. ). To provide appropriate pastoral care, as well as a suitable academic structure, three distinct sub-schools have been established. Pre-Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in Years 8-10 who are of secondary school age but have difficulties reading and writing. Supported Secondary: For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students who are of secondary school age and operating at secondary school year levels 8-12 who need specific second language literacy and numeracy support. Secondary: For multi-cultural Years 8-12 students. Students remain in their sub-schools for classes in the main subject areas of English, Maths, Social Education and Science. This arrangement takes into account both diverse levels of literacy and the styles of learning and cultural understandings appropriate to traditional Aboriginal second-language users. In elective subjects chosen by the students which include lndonesian, Music, Art, Drama, Science for Life, Commerce, Geography, Modern History, Woodwork, Metal Work, Economics and Legal Studies students mix on the basis of subject interest. To aid the development of the Aboriginal Education program, a specialist curriculum Support Unit has been set up. One of its functions is to re-package school courses so that they can be taught in ways that suit the students. The education program offered to Aboriginal students uses an approach which begins with the students own experiences and gradually builds bi-cultural understanding. In one course, Introducing Western European Culture Through Traditional Story-Telling, students are helped to build a common base for approaching the English literature curriculum. Drawing on the oral culture of traditional Aboriginal communities, they are introduced to traditional stories of other cultures, both oral and written. In a foundational Year 10 course, Theory of Learning, concepts from Aboriginal culture are placed side by side with European concepts so that students can use their own knowledge base to help bridge the cultural divide. Another project of the Support Unit has been the publication of several books, the most popular, Kormilda Capers. The idea for Kormilda Capers came about when it became obvious that there was a lack of engaging material for the schools teenage readers. One of the stories in the book, The Bulman Mob hits the Big Smoke, recounts the adventures of Kormilda pupils on their first visit to Sydney, Canberra and the snow country. Focussing on experiences which have directly affected the lives of students at the College, and on ideas and issues which are of immediate interest to Aboriginal students, Kormilda Capers has earned enthusiastic support within and outside the school.
The school helps the students make connections between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal cultures.
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id_3708
Kung-Fu is a popular form of martial arts, first developed in China by Shao Lin monks. Kung-Fu aims to strengthen the body and improve co-ordination. Originally developed to promote the concentration of monks whilst meditating, Kung-Fu exercises the mind as well as the body. In this way, it can be seen as a spiritual activity, as well as physical training. Today, there are several types of Kung-Fu; including Wing Chun, the only form believed to have been created by a woman. Also known as Wushu, Kung-Fu embodies the idea of Qi, or Chi. This is described as the inner life force, which is said to provide focus during Kung-Fu.
Kung-Fu exercises the mind as well as providing physical training.
e
id_3709
Kung-Fu is a popular form of martial arts, first developed in China by Shao Lin monks. Kung-Fu aims to strengthen the body and improve co-ordination. Originally developed to promote the concentration of monks whilst meditating, Kung-Fu exercises the mind as well as the body. In this way, it can be seen as a spiritual activity, as well as physical training. Today, there are several types of Kung-Fu; including Wing Chun, the only form believed to have been created by a woman. Also known as Wushu, Kung-Fu embodies the idea of Qi, or Chi. This is described as the inner life force, which is said to provide focus during Kung-Fu.
Wing Chun may be the only type of Kung-Fu created by a woman.
e
id_3710
Kung-Fu is a popular form of martial arts, first developed in China by Shao Lin monks. Kung-Fu aims to strengthen the body and improve co-ordination. Originally developed to promote the concentration of monks whilst meditating, Kung-Fu exercises the mind as well as the body. In this way, it can be seen as a spiritual activity, as well as physical training. Today, there are several types of Kung-Fu; including Wing Chun, the only form believed to have been created by a woman. Also known as Wushu, Kung-Fu embodies the idea of Qi, or Chi. This is described as the inner life force, which is said to provide focus during Kung-Fu.
Kung-Fu was made popular in the Western world by Hollywood.
n
id_3711
Kung-Fu is a popular form of martial arts, first developed in China by Shao Lin monks. Kung-Fu aims to strengthen the body and improve co-ordination. Originally developed to promote the concentration of monks whilst meditating, Kung-Fu exercises the mind as well as the body. In this way, it can be seen as a spiritual activity, as well as physical training. Today, there are several types of Kung-Fu; including Wing Chun, the only form believed to have been created by a woman. Also known as Wushu, Kung-Fu embodies the idea of Qi, or Chi. This is described as the inner life force, which is said to provide focus during Kung-Fu.
Another word for Kung-Fu is Wushu.
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id_3712
LAND OF THE RISING SUM. Japan has a significantly better record in terms of average mathematical attainment than England and Wales. Large sample international comparisons of pupils attainments since the 1960s have established that not only did Japanese pupils at age 13 have better scores of average attainment, but there was also a larger proportion of low attainers in England, where, incidentally, the variation in attainment scores was much greater. The percentage of Gross National Product spent on education is reasonably similar in the two countries, so how is this higher and more consistent attainment in maths achieved? Lower secondary schools in Japan cover three school years, from the seventh grade (age 13) to the ninth grade (age 15). Virtually all pupils at this stage attend state schools: only 3 per cent are in the private sector. Schools are usually modern in design, set well back from the road and spacious inside. Classrooms are large and pupils sit at single desks in rows. Lessons last for a standardised 50 minutes and are always followed by a 10-minute break, which gives the pupils a chance to let off steam. Teachers begin with a formal address and mutual bowing, and then concentrate on whole-class teaching. Classes are large usually about 40 and are unstreamed. Pupils stay in the same class for all lessons throughout the school and develop considerable class identity and loyalty. Pupils attend the school in their own neighbourhood, which in theory removes ranking by school. In practice in Tokyo, because of the relative concentration of schools, there is some competition to get into the better school in a particular area. Traditional ways of teaching form the basis of the lesson and the remarkably quiet classes take their own notes of the points made and the examples demonstrated. Everyone has their own copy of the textbook supplied by the central education authority, Monbusho, as part of the concept of free compulsory education up to the age of 15. These textbooks are, on the whole, small, presumably inexpensive to produce, but well set out and logically developed. (One teacher was particularly keen to introduce colour and pictures into maths textbooks: he felt this would make them more accessible to pupils brought up in a cartoon culture. ) Besides approving textbooks, Monbusho also decides the highly centralised national curriculum and how it is to be delivered. Lessons all follow the same pattern. At the beginning, the pupils put solutions to the homework on the board, then the teachers comment, correct or elaborate as necessary. Pupils mark their own homework: this is an important principle in Japanese schooling as it enables pupils to see where and why they made a mistake, so that these can be avoided in future. No one minds mistakes or ignorance as long as you are prepared to learn from them. After the homework has been discussed, the teacher explains the topic of the lesson, slowly and with a lot of repetition and elaboration. Examples are demonstrated on the board; questions from the textbook are worked through first with the class, and then the class is set questions from the textbook to do individually. Only rarely are supplementary worksheets distributed in a maths class. The impression is that the logical nature of the textbooks and their comprehensive coverage of different types of examples, combined with the relative homogeneity of the class, renders work sheets unnecessary. At this point, the teacher would circulate and make sure that all the pupils were coping well. It is remarkable that large, mixed-ability classes could be kept together for maths throughout all their compulsory schooling from 6 to 15. Teachers say that they give individual help at the end of a lesson or after school, setting extra work if necessary. In observed lessons, any strugglers would be assisted by the teacher or quietly seek help from their neighbour. Carefully fostered class identity makes pupils keen to help each other anyway, it is in their interests since the class progresses together. This scarcely seems adequate help to enable slow learners to keep up. However, the Japanese attitude towards education runs along the lines of if you work hard enough, you can do almost anything. Parents are kept closely informed of their childrens progress and will play a part in helping their children to keep up with class, sending them to Juku (private evening tuition) if extra help is needed and encouraging them to work harder. It seems to work, at least for 95 per cent of the school population. So what are the major contributing factors in the success of maths teaching? Clearly, attitudes are important. Education is valued greatly in Japanese culture; maths is recognised as an important compulsory subject throughout schooling; and the emphasis is on hard work coupled with a focus on accuracy. Other relevant points relate to the supportive attitude of a class towards slower pupils, the lack of competition within a class, and the positive emphasis on learning for oneself and improving ones own standard. And the view of repetitively boring lessons and learning the facts by heart, which is sometimes quoted in relation to Japanese classes, may be unfair and unjustified. No poor maths lessons were observed. They were mainly good and one or two were inspirational.
There is a wider range of achievement amongst English pupils studying maths than amongst their Japanese counterparts.
e
id_3713
LAND OF THE RISING SUM. Japan has a significantly better record in terms of average mathematical attainment than England and Wales. Large sample international comparisons of pupils attainments since the 1960s have established that not only did Japanese pupils at age 13 have better scores of average attainment, but there was also a larger proportion of low attainers in England, where, incidentally, the variation in attainment scores was much greater. The percentage of Gross National Product spent on education is reasonably similar in the two countries, so how is this higher and more consistent attainment in maths achieved? Lower secondary schools in Japan cover three school years, from the seventh grade (age 13) to the ninth grade (age 15). Virtually all pupils at this stage attend state schools: only 3 per cent are in the private sector. Schools are usually modern in design, set well back from the road and spacious inside. Classrooms are large and pupils sit at single desks in rows. Lessons last for a standardised 50 minutes and are always followed by a 10-minute break, which gives the pupils a chance to let off steam. Teachers begin with a formal address and mutual bowing, and then concentrate on whole-class teaching. Classes are large usually about 40 and are unstreamed. Pupils stay in the same class for all lessons throughout the school and develop considerable class identity and loyalty. Pupils attend the school in their own neighbourhood, which in theory removes ranking by school. In practice in Tokyo, because of the relative concentration of schools, there is some competition to get into the better school in a particular area. Traditional ways of teaching form the basis of the lesson and the remarkably quiet classes take their own notes of the points made and the examples demonstrated. Everyone has their own copy of the textbook supplied by the central education authority, Monbusho, as part of the concept of free compulsory education up to the age of 15. These textbooks are, on the whole, small, presumably inexpensive to produce, but well set out and logically developed. (One teacher was particularly keen to introduce colour and pictures into maths textbooks: he felt this would make them more accessible to pupils brought up in a cartoon culture. ) Besides approving textbooks, Monbusho also decides the highly centralised national curriculum and how it is to be delivered. Lessons all follow the same pattern. At the beginning, the pupils put solutions to the homework on the board, then the teachers comment, correct or elaborate as necessary. Pupils mark their own homework: this is an important principle in Japanese schooling as it enables pupils to see where and why they made a mistake, so that these can be avoided in future. No one minds mistakes or ignorance as long as you are prepared to learn from them. After the homework has been discussed, the teacher explains the topic of the lesson, slowly and with a lot of repetition and elaboration. Examples are demonstrated on the board; questions from the textbook are worked through first with the class, and then the class is set questions from the textbook to do individually. Only rarely are supplementary worksheets distributed in a maths class. The impression is that the logical nature of the textbooks and their comprehensive coverage of different types of examples, combined with the relative homogeneity of the class, renders work sheets unnecessary. At this point, the teacher would circulate and make sure that all the pupils were coping well. It is remarkable that large, mixed-ability classes could be kept together for maths throughout all their compulsory schooling from 6 to 15. Teachers say that they give individual help at the end of a lesson or after school, setting extra work if necessary. In observed lessons, any strugglers would be assisted by the teacher or quietly seek help from their neighbour. Carefully fostered class identity makes pupils keen to help each other anyway, it is in their interests since the class progresses together. This scarcely seems adequate help to enable slow learners to keep up. However, the Japanese attitude towards education runs along the lines of if you work hard enough, you can do almost anything. Parents are kept closely informed of their childrens progress and will play a part in helping their children to keep up with class, sending them to Juku (private evening tuition) if extra help is needed and encouraging them to work harder. It seems to work, at least for 95 per cent of the school population. So what are the major contributing factors in the success of maths teaching? Clearly, attitudes are important. Education is valued greatly in Japanese culture; maths is recognised as an important compulsory subject throughout schooling; and the emphasis is on hard work coupled with a focus on accuracy. Other relevant points relate to the supportive attitude of a class towards slower pupils, the lack of competition within a class, and the positive emphasis on learning for oneself and improving ones own standard. And the view of repetitively boring lessons and learning the facts by heart, which is sometimes quoted in relation to Japanese classes, may be unfair and unjustified. No poor maths lessons were observed. They were mainly good and one or two were inspirational.
Teachers mark homework in Japanese schools.
c
id_3714
LAND OF THE RISING SUM. Japan has a significantly better record in terms of average mathematical attainment than England and Wales. Large sample international comparisons of pupils attainments since the 1960s have established that not only did Japanese pupils at age 13 have better scores of average attainment, but there was also a larger proportion of low attainers in England, where, incidentally, the variation in attainment scores was much greater. The percentage of Gross National Product spent on education is reasonably similar in the two countries, so how is this higher and more consistent attainment in maths achieved? Lower secondary schools in Japan cover three school years, from the seventh grade (age 13) to the ninth grade (age 15). Virtually all pupils at this stage attend state schools: only 3 per cent are in the private sector. Schools are usually modern in design, set well back from the road and spacious inside. Classrooms are large and pupils sit at single desks in rows. Lessons last for a standardised 50 minutes and are always followed by a 10-minute break, which gives the pupils a chance to let off steam. Teachers begin with a formal address and mutual bowing, and then concentrate on whole-class teaching. Classes are large usually about 40 and are unstreamed. Pupils stay in the same class for all lessons throughout the school and develop considerable class identity and loyalty. Pupils attend the school in their own neighbourhood, which in theory removes ranking by school. In practice in Tokyo, because of the relative concentration of schools, there is some competition to get into the better school in a particular area. Traditional ways of teaching form the basis of the lesson and the remarkably quiet classes take their own notes of the points made and the examples demonstrated. Everyone has their own copy of the textbook supplied by the central education authority, Monbusho, as part of the concept of free compulsory education up to the age of 15. These textbooks are, on the whole, small, presumably inexpensive to produce, but well set out and logically developed. (One teacher was particularly keen to introduce colour and pictures into maths textbooks: he felt this would make them more accessible to pupils brought up in a cartoon culture. ) Besides approving textbooks, Monbusho also decides the highly centralised national curriculum and how it is to be delivered. Lessons all follow the same pattern. At the beginning, the pupils put solutions to the homework on the board, then the teachers comment, correct or elaborate as necessary. Pupils mark their own homework: this is an important principle in Japanese schooling as it enables pupils to see where and why they made a mistake, so that these can be avoided in future. No one minds mistakes or ignorance as long as you are prepared to learn from them. After the homework has been discussed, the teacher explains the topic of the lesson, slowly and with a lot of repetition and elaboration. Examples are demonstrated on the board; questions from the textbook are worked through first with the class, and then the class is set questions from the textbook to do individually. Only rarely are supplementary worksheets distributed in a maths class. The impression is that the logical nature of the textbooks and their comprehensive coverage of different types of examples, combined with the relative homogeneity of the class, renders work sheets unnecessary. At this point, the teacher would circulate and make sure that all the pupils were coping well. It is remarkable that large, mixed-ability classes could be kept together for maths throughout all their compulsory schooling from 6 to 15. Teachers say that they give individual help at the end of a lesson or after school, setting extra work if necessary. In observed lessons, any strugglers would be assisted by the teacher or quietly seek help from their neighbour. Carefully fostered class identity makes pupils keen to help each other anyway, it is in their interests since the class progresses together. This scarcely seems adequate help to enable slow learners to keep up. However, the Japanese attitude towards education runs along the lines of if you work hard enough, you can do almost anything. Parents are kept closely informed of their childrens progress and will play a part in helping their children to keep up with class, sending them to Juku (private evening tuition) if extra help is needed and encouraging them to work harder. It seems to work, at least for 95 per cent of the school population. So what are the major contributing factors in the success of maths teaching? Clearly, attitudes are important. Education is valued greatly in Japanese culture; maths is recognised as an important compulsory subject throughout schooling; and the emphasis is on hard work coupled with a focus on accuracy. Other relevant points relate to the supportive attitude of a class towards slower pupils, the lack of competition within a class, and the positive emphasis on learning for oneself and improving ones own standard. And the view of repetitively boring lessons and learning the facts by heart, which is sometimes quoted in relation to Japanese classes, may be unfair and unjustified. No poor maths lessons were observed. They were mainly good and one or two were inspirational.
The percentage of Gross National Product spent on education generally reflects the level of attainment in mathematics.
c
id_3715
LAND OF THE RISING SUM. Japan has a significantly better record in terms of average mathematical attainment than England and Wales. Large sample international comparisons of pupils attainments since the 1960s have established that not only did Japanese pupils at age 13 have better scores of average attainment, but there was also a larger proportion of low attainers in England, where, incidentally, the variation in attainment scores was much greater. The percentage of Gross National Product spent on education is reasonably similar in the two countries, so how is this higher and more consistent attainment in maths achieved? Lower secondary schools in Japan cover three school years, from the seventh grade (age 13) to the ninth grade (age 15). Virtually all pupils at this stage attend state schools: only 3 per cent are in the private sector. Schools are usually modern in design, set well back from the road and spacious inside. Classrooms are large and pupils sit at single desks in rows. Lessons last for a standardised 50 minutes and are always followed by a 10-minute break, which gives the pupils a chance to let off steam. Teachers begin with a formal address and mutual bowing, and then concentrate on whole-class teaching. Classes are large usually about 40 and are unstreamed. Pupils stay in the same class for all lessons throughout the school and develop considerable class identity and loyalty. Pupils attend the school in their own neighbourhood, which in theory removes ranking by school. In practice in Tokyo, because of the relative concentration of schools, there is some competition to get into the better school in a particular area. Traditional ways of teaching form the basis of the lesson and the remarkably quiet classes take their own notes of the points made and the examples demonstrated. Everyone has their own copy of the textbook supplied by the central education authority, Monbusho, as part of the concept of free compulsory education up to the age of 15. These textbooks are, on the whole, small, presumably inexpensive to produce, but well set out and logically developed. (One teacher was particularly keen to introduce colour and pictures into maths textbooks: he felt this would make them more accessible to pupils brought up in a cartoon culture. ) Besides approving textbooks, Monbusho also decides the highly centralised national curriculum and how it is to be delivered. Lessons all follow the same pattern. At the beginning, the pupils put solutions to the homework on the board, then the teachers comment, correct or elaborate as necessary. Pupils mark their own homework: this is an important principle in Japanese schooling as it enables pupils to see where and why they made a mistake, so that these can be avoided in future. No one minds mistakes or ignorance as long as you are prepared to learn from them. After the homework has been discussed, the teacher explains the topic of the lesson, slowly and with a lot of repetition and elaboration. Examples are demonstrated on the board; questions from the textbook are worked through first with the class, and then the class is set questions from the textbook to do individually. Only rarely are supplementary worksheets distributed in a maths class. The impression is that the logical nature of the textbooks and their comprehensive coverage of different types of examples, combined with the relative homogeneity of the class, renders work sheets unnecessary. At this point, the teacher would circulate and make sure that all the pupils were coping well. It is remarkable that large, mixed-ability classes could be kept together for maths throughout all their compulsory schooling from 6 to 15. Teachers say that they give individual help at the end of a lesson or after school, setting extra work if necessary. In observed lessons, any strugglers would be assisted by the teacher or quietly seek help from their neighbour. Carefully fostered class identity makes pupils keen to help each other anyway, it is in their interests since the class progresses together. This scarcely seems adequate help to enable slow learners to keep up. However, the Japanese attitude towards education runs along the lines of if you work hard enough, you can do almost anything. Parents are kept closely informed of their childrens progress and will play a part in helping their children to keep up with class, sending them to Juku (private evening tuition) if extra help is needed and encouraging them to work harder. It seems to work, at least for 95 per cent of the school population. So what are the major contributing factors in the success of maths teaching? Clearly, attitudes are important. Education is valued greatly in Japanese culture; maths is recognised as an important compulsory subject throughout schooling; and the emphasis is on hard work coupled with a focus on accuracy. Other relevant points relate to the supportive attitude of a class towards slower pupils, the lack of competition within a class, and the positive emphasis on learning for oneself and improving ones own standard. And the view of repetitively boring lessons and learning the facts by heart, which is sometimes quoted in relation to Japanese classes, may be unfair and unjustified. No poor maths lessons were observed. They were mainly good and one or two were inspirational.
Private schools in Japan are more modern and spacious than state-run lower secondary schools.
n
id_3716
LAND OF THE RISING SUN Japan has a significantly better record in terms of average mathematical attainment than England and Wales. Large sample international comparisons of pupils' attainments since the 1960s have established that not only did Japanese pupils at age 13 have better scores of average attainment, but there was also a larger proportion of 'low' attainers in England, where, incidentally, the variation in attainment scores was much greater. The percentage of Gross National Product spent on education is reasonably similar in the two countries, so how is this higher and more consistent attainment in maths achieved? Lower secondary schools in Japan cover three school years, from the seventh grade (age 13) to the ninth grade (age 15). Virtually all pupils at this stage attend state schools: only 3 per cent are in the private sector. Schools are usually modem in design, set well back from the road and spacious inside. Classrooms are large and pupils sit at single desks in rows. Lessons last for a standardised 50 minutes and are always followed by a 10-minute break, which gives the pupils a chance to let off steam. Teachers begin with a formal address and mutual bowing, and then concentrate on whole-class teaching. Classes are large - usually about 40 - and are unstreamed. Pupils stay in the same class for all lessons throughout the school and develop considerable class identity and loyalty. Pupils attend the school in their own neighbourhood, which in theory removes ranking by school. In practice in Tokyo, because of the relative concentration of schools, there is some competition to get into the 'better' school in a particular area. Traditional ways of teaching form the basis of the lesson and the remarkably quiet classes take their own notes of the points made and the examples demonstrated. Everyone has their own copy of the textbook supplied by the central education authority, Monbusho, as part of the concept of free compulsory education up to the age of 15. These textbooks are, on the whole, small, presumably inexpensive to produce, but well set out and logically developed. (One teacher was particularly keen to introduce colour and pictures into maths textbooks: he felt this would make them more accessible to pupils brought up in a cartoon culture. ) Besides approving textbooks, Monbusho also decides the highly centralised national curriculum and how it is to be delivered. Lessons all follow the same pattern. At the beginning, the pupils put solutions to the homework on the board, then the teachers comment, correct or elaborate as necessary. Pupils mark their own homework: this is an important principle in Japanese schooling as it enables pupils to see where and why they made a mistake, so that these can be avoided in future. No one minds mistakes or ignorance as long as you are prepared to learn from them. After the homework has been discussed, the teacher explains the topic of the lesson, slowly and with a lot of repetition and elaboration. Examples are demonstrated on the board; questions from the textbook are worked through first with the class, and then the class is set questions from the textbook to do individually. Only rarely are supplementary worksheets distributed in a maths class. The impression is that the logical nature of the textbooks and their comprehensive coverage of different types of examples, combined with the relative homogeneity of the class, renders work sheets unnecessary. At this point, the teacher would circulate and make sure that all the pupils were coping well. It is remarkable that large, mixed-ability classes could be kept together for maths throughout all their compulsory schooling from 6 to 15. Teachers say that they give individual help at the end of a lesson or after school, setting extra work if necessary. In observed lessons, any strugglers would be assisted by the teacher or quietly seek help from their neighbour. Carefully fostered class identity makes pupils keen to help each other - anyway, it is in their interests since the class progresses together. This scarcely seems adequate help to enable slow learners to keep up. However, the Japanese attitude towards education runs along the lines of 'if you work hard enough, you can do almost anything'. Parents are kept closely informed of their children's progress and will play a part in helping their 72children to keep up with class, sending them to 'Juku' (private evening tuition) if extra help is needed and encouraging them to work harder. It seems to work, at least for 95 per cent of the school population. So what are the major contributing factors in the success of maths teaching? Clearly, attitudes are important. Education is valued greatly in Japanese culture; maths is recognised as an important compulsory subject throughout schooling; and the emphasis is on hard work coupled with a focus on accuracy. Other relevant points relate to the supportive attitude of a class towards slower pupils, the lack of competition within a class, and the positive emphasis on learning for oneself and improving one's own standard. And the view of repetitively boring lessons and learning the facts by heart, which is sometimes quoted in relation to Japanese classes, may be unfair and unjustified. No poor maths lessons were observed. They were mainly good and one or two were inspirational.
Teachers mark homework in Japanese schools.
c
id_3717
LAND OF THE RISING SUN Japan has a significantly better record in terms of average mathematical attainment than England and Wales. Large sample international comparisons of pupils' attainments since the 1960s have established that not only did Japanese pupils at age 13 have better scores of average attainment, but there was also a larger proportion of 'low' attainers in England, where, incidentally, the variation in attainment scores was much greater. The percentage of Gross National Product spent on education is reasonably similar in the two countries, so how is this higher and more consistent attainment in maths achieved? Lower secondary schools in Japan cover three school years, from the seventh grade (age 13) to the ninth grade (age 15). Virtually all pupils at this stage attend state schools: only 3 per cent are in the private sector. Schools are usually modem in design, set well back from the road and spacious inside. Classrooms are large and pupils sit at single desks in rows. Lessons last for a standardised 50 minutes and are always followed by a 10-minute break, which gives the pupils a chance to let off steam. Teachers begin with a formal address and mutual bowing, and then concentrate on whole-class teaching. Classes are large - usually about 40 - and are unstreamed. Pupils stay in the same class for all lessons throughout the school and develop considerable class identity and loyalty. Pupils attend the school in their own neighbourhood, which in theory removes ranking by school. In practice in Tokyo, because of the relative concentration of schools, there is some competition to get into the 'better' school in a particular area. Traditional ways of teaching form the basis of the lesson and the remarkably quiet classes take their own notes of the points made and the examples demonstrated. Everyone has their own copy of the textbook supplied by the central education authority, Monbusho, as part of the concept of free compulsory education up to the age of 15. These textbooks are, on the whole, small, presumably inexpensive to produce, but well set out and logically developed. (One teacher was particularly keen to introduce colour and pictures into maths textbooks: he felt this would make them more accessible to pupils brought up in a cartoon culture. ) Besides approving textbooks, Monbusho also decides the highly centralised national curriculum and how it is to be delivered. Lessons all follow the same pattern. At the beginning, the pupils put solutions to the homework on the board, then the teachers comment, correct or elaborate as necessary. Pupils mark their own homework: this is an important principle in Japanese schooling as it enables pupils to see where and why they made a mistake, so that these can be avoided in future. No one minds mistakes or ignorance as long as you are prepared to learn from them. After the homework has been discussed, the teacher explains the topic of the lesson, slowly and with a lot of repetition and elaboration. Examples are demonstrated on the board; questions from the textbook are worked through first with the class, and then the class is set questions from the textbook to do individually. Only rarely are supplementary worksheets distributed in a maths class. The impression is that the logical nature of the textbooks and their comprehensive coverage of different types of examples, combined with the relative homogeneity of the class, renders work sheets unnecessary. At this point, the teacher would circulate and make sure that all the pupils were coping well. It is remarkable that large, mixed-ability classes could be kept together for maths throughout all their compulsory schooling from 6 to 15. Teachers say that they give individual help at the end of a lesson or after school, setting extra work if necessary. In observed lessons, any strugglers would be assisted by the teacher or quietly seek help from their neighbour. Carefully fostered class identity makes pupils keen to help each other - anyway, it is in their interests since the class progresses together. This scarcely seems adequate help to enable slow learners to keep up. However, the Japanese attitude towards education runs along the lines of 'if you work hard enough, you can do almost anything'. Parents are kept closely informed of their children's progress and will play a part in helping their 72children to keep up with class, sending them to 'Juku' (private evening tuition) if extra help is needed and encouraging them to work harder. It seems to work, at least for 95 per cent of the school population. So what are the major contributing factors in the success of maths teaching? Clearly, attitudes are important. Education is valued greatly in Japanese culture; maths is recognised as an important compulsory subject throughout schooling; and the emphasis is on hard work coupled with a focus on accuracy. Other relevant points relate to the supportive attitude of a class towards slower pupils, the lack of competition within a class, and the positive emphasis on learning for oneself and improving one's own standard. And the view of repetitively boring lessons and learning the facts by heart, which is sometimes quoted in relation to Japanese classes, may be unfair and unjustified. No poor maths lessons were observed. They were mainly good and one or two were inspirational.
Private schools in Japan are more modern and spacious than state-run lower secondary schools.
n
id_3718
LAND OF THE RISING SUN Japan has a significantly better record in terms of average mathematical attainment than England and Wales. Large sample international comparisons of pupils' attainments since the 1960s have established that not only did Japanese pupils at age 13 have better scores of average attainment, but there was also a larger proportion of 'low' attainers in England, where, incidentally, the variation in attainment scores was much greater. The percentage of Gross National Product spent on education is reasonably similar in the two countries, so how is this higher and more consistent attainment in maths achieved? Lower secondary schools in Japan cover three school years, from the seventh grade (age 13) to the ninth grade (age 15). Virtually all pupils at this stage attend state schools: only 3 per cent are in the private sector. Schools are usually modem in design, set well back from the road and spacious inside. Classrooms are large and pupils sit at single desks in rows. Lessons last for a standardised 50 minutes and are always followed by a 10-minute break, which gives the pupils a chance to let off steam. Teachers begin with a formal address and mutual bowing, and then concentrate on whole-class teaching. Classes are large - usually about 40 - and are unstreamed. Pupils stay in the same class for all lessons throughout the school and develop considerable class identity and loyalty. Pupils attend the school in their own neighbourhood, which in theory removes ranking by school. In practice in Tokyo, because of the relative concentration of schools, there is some competition to get into the 'better' school in a particular area. Traditional ways of teaching form the basis of the lesson and the remarkably quiet classes take their own notes of the points made and the examples demonstrated. Everyone has their own copy of the textbook supplied by the central education authority, Monbusho, as part of the concept of free compulsory education up to the age of 15. These textbooks are, on the whole, small, presumably inexpensive to produce, but well set out and logically developed. (One teacher was particularly keen to introduce colour and pictures into maths textbooks: he felt this would make them more accessible to pupils brought up in a cartoon culture. ) Besides approving textbooks, Monbusho also decides the highly centralised national curriculum and how it is to be delivered. Lessons all follow the same pattern. At the beginning, the pupils put solutions to the homework on the board, then the teachers comment, correct or elaborate as necessary. Pupils mark their own homework: this is an important principle in Japanese schooling as it enables pupils to see where and why they made a mistake, so that these can be avoided in future. No one minds mistakes or ignorance as long as you are prepared to learn from them. After the homework has been discussed, the teacher explains the topic of the lesson, slowly and with a lot of repetition and elaboration. Examples are demonstrated on the board; questions from the textbook are worked through first with the class, and then the class is set questions from the textbook to do individually. Only rarely are supplementary worksheets distributed in a maths class. The impression is that the logical nature of the textbooks and their comprehensive coverage of different types of examples, combined with the relative homogeneity of the class, renders work sheets unnecessary. At this point, the teacher would circulate and make sure that all the pupils were coping well. It is remarkable that large, mixed-ability classes could be kept together for maths throughout all their compulsory schooling from 6 to 15. Teachers say that they give individual help at the end of a lesson or after school, setting extra work if necessary. In observed lessons, any strugglers would be assisted by the teacher or quietly seek help from their neighbour. Carefully fostered class identity makes pupils keen to help each other - anyway, it is in their interests since the class progresses together. This scarcely seems adequate help to enable slow learners to keep up. However, the Japanese attitude towards education runs along the lines of 'if you work hard enough, you can do almost anything'. Parents are kept closely informed of their children's progress and will play a part in helping their 72children to keep up with class, sending them to 'Juku' (private evening tuition) if extra help is needed and encouraging them to work harder. It seems to work, at least for 95 per cent of the school population. So what are the major contributing factors in the success of maths teaching? Clearly, attitudes are important. Education is valued greatly in Japanese culture; maths is recognised as an important compulsory subject throughout schooling; and the emphasis is on hard work coupled with a focus on accuracy. Other relevant points relate to the supportive attitude of a class towards slower pupils, the lack of competition within a class, and the positive emphasis on learning for oneself and improving one's own standard. And the view of repetitively boring lessons and learning the facts by heart, which is sometimes quoted in relation to Japanese classes, may be unfair and unjustified. No poor maths lessons were observed. They were mainly good and one or two were inspirational.
The percentage of Gross National Product spent on education generally reflects the level of attainment in mathematics.
c
id_3719
LAND OF THE RISING SUN Japan has a significantly better record in terms of average mathematical attainment than England and Wales. Large sample international comparisons of pupils' attainments since the 1960s have established that not only did Japanese pupils at age 13 have better scores of average attainment, but there was also a larger proportion of 'low' attainers in England, where, incidentally, the variation in attainment scores was much greater. The percentage of Gross National Product spent on education is reasonably similar in the two countries, so how is this higher and more consistent attainment in maths achieved? Lower secondary schools in Japan cover three school years, from the seventh grade (age 13) to the ninth grade (age 15). Virtually all pupils at this stage attend state schools: only 3 per cent are in the private sector. Schools are usually modem in design, set well back from the road and spacious inside. Classrooms are large and pupils sit at single desks in rows. Lessons last for a standardised 50 minutes and are always followed by a 10-minute break, which gives the pupils a chance to let off steam. Teachers begin with a formal address and mutual bowing, and then concentrate on whole-class teaching. Classes are large - usually about 40 - and are unstreamed. Pupils stay in the same class for all lessons throughout the school and develop considerable class identity and loyalty. Pupils attend the school in their own neighbourhood, which in theory removes ranking by school. In practice in Tokyo, because of the relative concentration of schools, there is some competition to get into the 'better' school in a particular area. Traditional ways of teaching form the basis of the lesson and the remarkably quiet classes take their own notes of the points made and the examples demonstrated. Everyone has their own copy of the textbook supplied by the central education authority, Monbusho, as part of the concept of free compulsory education up to the age of 15. These textbooks are, on the whole, small, presumably inexpensive to produce, but well set out and logically developed. (One teacher was particularly keen to introduce colour and pictures into maths textbooks: he felt this would make them more accessible to pupils brought up in a cartoon culture. ) Besides approving textbooks, Monbusho also decides the highly centralised national curriculum and how it is to be delivered. Lessons all follow the same pattern. At the beginning, the pupils put solutions to the homework on the board, then the teachers comment, correct or elaborate as necessary. Pupils mark their own homework: this is an important principle in Japanese schooling as it enables pupils to see where and why they made a mistake, so that these can be avoided in future. No one minds mistakes or ignorance as long as you are prepared to learn from them. After the homework has been discussed, the teacher explains the topic of the lesson, slowly and with a lot of repetition and elaboration. Examples are demonstrated on the board; questions from the textbook are worked through first with the class, and then the class is set questions from the textbook to do individually. Only rarely are supplementary worksheets distributed in a maths class. The impression is that the logical nature of the textbooks and their comprehensive coverage of different types of examples, combined with the relative homogeneity of the class, renders work sheets unnecessary. At this point, the teacher would circulate and make sure that all the pupils were coping well. It is remarkable that large, mixed-ability classes could be kept together for maths throughout all their compulsory schooling from 6 to 15. Teachers say that they give individual help at the end of a lesson or after school, setting extra work if necessary. In observed lessons, any strugglers would be assisted by the teacher or quietly seek help from their neighbour. Carefully fostered class identity makes pupils keen to help each other - anyway, it is in their interests since the class progresses together. This scarcely seems adequate help to enable slow learners to keep up. However, the Japanese attitude towards education runs along the lines of 'if you work hard enough, you can do almost anything'. Parents are kept closely informed of their children's progress and will play a part in helping their 72children to keep up with class, sending them to 'Juku' (private evening tuition) if extra help is needed and encouraging them to work harder. It seems to work, at least for 95 per cent of the school population. So what are the major contributing factors in the success of maths teaching? Clearly, attitudes are important. Education is valued greatly in Japanese culture; maths is recognised as an important compulsory subject throughout schooling; and the emphasis is on hard work coupled with a focus on accuracy. Other relevant points relate to the supportive attitude of a class towards slower pupils, the lack of competition within a class, and the positive emphasis on learning for oneself and improving one's own standard. And the view of repetitively boring lessons and learning the facts by heart, which is sometimes quoted in relation to Japanese classes, may be unfair and unjustified. No poor maths lessons were observed. They were mainly good and one or two were inspirational.
There is a wider range of achievement amongst English pupils studying maths than amongst their Japanese counterparts.
e
id_3720
Labour worldwide is far less mobile than capital. However, this does not mean that governments can ignore the needs of enterprise or investors. A hundred years ago, mass migration across the Atlantic fuelled the growth of the American economy. Migrants took factory jobs at lower wages. In this day and age, factories are more likely to migrate than workers, mainly because of national barriers against immigration. In such a globalized world, governments must ensure that their economies remain interna- tionally competitive.
Barriers against immigration mean that governments must ensure that their economies remain internationally competitive.
c
id_3721
Labour worldwide is far less mobile than capital. However, this does not mean that governments can ignore the needs of enterprise or investors. A hundred years ago, mass migration across the Atlantic fuelled the growth of the American economy. Migrants took factory jobs at lower wages. In this day and age, factories are more likely to migrate than workers, mainly because of national barriers against immigration. In such a globalized world, governments must ensure that their economies remain interna- tionally competitive.
Labour is less mobile than a century ago.
e
id_3722
Labour worldwide is far less mobile than capital. However, this does not mean that governments can ignore the needs of enterprise or investors. A hundred years ago, mass migration across the Atlantic fuelled the growth of the American economy. Migrants took factory jobs at lower wages. In this day and age, factories are more likely to migrate than workers, mainly because of national barriers against immigration. In such a globalized world, governments must ensure that their economies remain interna- tionally competitive.
The passage suggests that the world would be less globalized if labour were free to move.
c
id_3723
Lack of water is an ever-worsening global crisis, with over forty percent of the worlds population now suffering from regular and severe water shortages. Increases in population mean that there is less water available per capita. In addition, population-related global warming is making some countries, which were already short of water, even hotter and drier. Demand for water is doubling every twenty years and there are predictions that, in the future, nations may go to war to fight for its control.
In 20 years time most countries will have inadequate water supplies.
n
id_3724
Language diversity One of the most influential ideas in the study of languages is that of universal grammar (UG). Put forward by Noam Chomsky in the 1960s, it is widely interpreted as meaning that all languages are basically the same, and that the human brain is born language-ready, with an in-built programme that is able to interpret the common rules underlying any mother tongue. For five decades this idea prevailed, and influenced work in linguistics, psychology and cognitive science. To understand language, it implied, you must sweep aside the huge diversity of languages, and find their common human core. Since the theory of UG was proposed, linguists have identified many universal language rules. However, there are almost always exceptions. It was once believed, for example, that if a language had syllables that begin with a vowel and end with a consonant (VC), it would also have syllables that begin with a consonant and end with a vowel (CV). This universal lasted until 1999, when linguists showed that Arrernte, spoken by Indigenous Australians from the area around Alice Springs in the Northern Territory, has VC syllables but no CV syllables. Other non-universal universals describe the basic rules of putting words together. Take the rule that every language contains four basic word classes: nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs. Work in the past two decades has shown that several languages lack an open adverb class, which means that new adverbs cannot be readily formed, unlike in English where you can turn any adjective into an adverb, for example soft into softly. Others, such as Lao, spoken in Laos, have no adjectives at all. More controversially, some linguists argue that a few languages, such as Straits Salish, spoken by indigenous people from north-western regions of North America, do not even have distinct nouns or verbs. Instead, they have a single class of words to include events, objects and qualities. Even apparently indisputable universals have been found lacking. This includes recursion, or the ability to infinitely place one grammatical unit inside a similar unit, such as Jack thinks that Mary thinks that ... the bus will be on time. It is widely considered to be the most essential characteristic of human language, one that sets it apart from the communications of all other animals. Yet Dan Everett at Illinois State University recently published controversial work showing that Amazonian Piraha does not have this quality. But what if the very diversity of languages is the key to understanding human communication? Linguists Nicholas Evans of the Australian National University in Canberra, and Stephen Levinson of the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics in Nijmegen, the Netherlands, believe that languages do not share a common set of rules. Instead, they say, their sheer variety is a defining feature of human communication something not seen in other animals. While there is no doubt that human thinking influences the form that language takes, if Evans and Levinson are correct, language in turn shapes our brains. This suggests that humans are more diverse than we thought, with our brains having differences depending on the language environment in which we grew up. And that leads to a disturbing conclusion: every time a language becomes extinct, humanity loses an important piece of diversity. If languages do not obey a single set of shared rules, then how are they created? Instead of universals. you get standard engineering solutions that languages adopt again and again, and then you get outliers. says Evans. He and Levinson argue that this is because any given language is a complex system shaped by many factors, including culture, genetics and history. There- are no absolutely universal traits of language, they say, only tendencies. And it is a mix of strong and weak tendencies that characterises the bio-cultural mix that we call language. According to the two linguists, the strong tendencies explain why many languages display common patterns. A variety of factors tend to push language in a similar direction, such as the structure of the brain, the biology of speech, and the efficiencies of communication. Widely shared linguistic elements may also be ones that build on a particularly human kind of reasoning. For example, the fact that before we learn to speak we perceive the world as a place full of things causing actions (agents) and things having actions done to them (patients) explains why most languages deploy these grammatical categories. Weak tendencies, in contrast, are explained by the idiosyncrasies of different languages. Evans and Levinson argue that many aspects of the particular natural history of a population may affect its language. For instance, Andy Butcher at Flinders University in Adelaide, South Australia, has observed that indigenous Australian children have by far the highest incidence of chronic middle-ear infection of any population on the planet, and that most indigenous Australian languages lack many sounds that are common in other languages, but which are hard to hear with a middle-ear infection. Whether this condition has shaped the sound systems of these languages is unknown, says Evans, but it is important to consider the idea. Levinson and Evans are not the first to question the theory of universal grammar, but no one has summarised these ideas quite as persuasively, and given them as much reach. As a result, their arguments have generated widespread enthusiasm, particularly among those linguists who are tired of trying to squeeze their findings into the straitjacket of absolute universals. To some, it is the final nail in UGs coffin. Michael Tomasello, co-director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, has been a long-standing critic of the idea that all languages conform to a set of rules. Universal grammar is dead, he says.
In the final decades of the twentieth century, a single theory of language learning was dominant.
e
id_3725
Language diversity One of the most influential ideas in the study of languages is that of universal grammar (UG). Put forward by Noam Chomsky in the 1960s, it is widely interpreted as meaning that all languages are basically the same, and that the human brain is born language-ready, with an in-built programme that is able to interpret the common rules underlying any mother tongue. For five decades this idea prevailed, and influenced work in linguistics, psychology and cognitive science. To understand language, it implied, you must sweep aside the huge diversity of languages, and find their common human core. Since the theory of UG was proposed, linguists have identified many universal language rules. However, there are almost always exceptions. It was once believed, for example, that if a language had syllables that begin with a vowel and end with a consonant (VC), it would also have syllables that begin with a consonant and end with a vowel (CV). This universal lasted until 1999, when linguists showed that Arrernte, spoken by Indigenous Australians from the area around Alice Springs in the Northern Territory, has VC syllables but no CV syllables. Other non-universal universals describe the basic rules of putting words together. Take the rule that every language contains four basic word classes: nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs. Work in the past two decades has shown that several languages lack an open adverb class, which means that new adverbs cannot be readily formed, unlike in English where you can turn any adjective into an adverb, for example soft into softly. Others, such as Lao, spoken in Laos, have no adjectives at all. More controversially, some linguists argue that a few languages, such as Straits Salish, spoken by indigenous people from north-western regions of North America, do not even have distinct nouns or verbs. Instead, they have a single class of words to include events, objects and qualities. Even apparently indisputable universals have been found lacking. This includes recursion, or the ability to infinitely place one grammatical unit inside a similar unit, such as Jack thinks that Mary thinks that ... the bus will be on time. It is widely considered to be the most essential characteristic of human language, one that sets it apart from the communications of all other animals. Yet Dan Everett at Illinois State University recently published controversial work showing that Amazonian Piraha does not have this quality. But what if the very diversity of languages is the key to understanding human communication? Linguists Nicholas Evans of the Australian National University in Canberra, and Stephen Levinson of the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics in Nijmegen, the Netherlands, believe that languages do not share a common set of rules. Instead, they say, their sheer variety is a defining feature of human communication something not seen in other animals. While there is no doubt that human thinking influences the form that language takes, if Evans and Levinson are correct, language in turn shapes our brains. This suggests that humans are more diverse than we thought, with our brains having differences depending on the language environment in which we grew up. And that leads to a disturbing conclusion: every time a language becomes extinct, humanity loses an important piece of diversity. If languages do not obey a single set of shared rules, then how are they created? Instead of universals. you get standard engineering solutions that languages adopt again and again, and then you get outliers. says Evans. He and Levinson argue that this is because any given language is a complex system shaped by many factors, including culture, genetics and history. There- are no absolutely universal traits of language, they say, only tendencies. And it is a mix of strong and weak tendencies that characterises the bio-cultural mix that we call language. According to the two linguists, the strong tendencies explain why many languages display common patterns. A variety of factors tend to push language in a similar direction, such as the structure of the brain, the biology of speech, and the efficiencies of communication. Widely shared linguistic elements may also be ones that build on a particularly human kind of reasoning. For example, the fact that before we learn to speak we perceive the world as a place full of things causing actions (agents) and things having actions done to them (patients) explains why most languages deploy these grammatical categories. Weak tendencies, in contrast, are explained by the idiosyncrasies of different languages. Evans and Levinson argue that many aspects of the particular natural history of a population may affect its language. For instance, Andy Butcher at Flinders University in Adelaide, South Australia, has observed that indigenous Australian children have by far the highest incidence of chronic middle-ear infection of any population on the planet, and that most indigenous Australian languages lack many sounds that are common in other languages, but which are hard to hear with a middle-ear infection. Whether this condition has shaped the sound systems of these languages is unknown, says Evans, but it is important to consider the idea. Levinson and Evans are not the first to question the theory of universal grammar, but no one has summarised these ideas quite as persuasively, and given them as much reach. As a result, their arguments have generated widespread enthusiasm, particularly among those linguists who are tired of trying to squeeze their findings into the straitjacket of absolute universals. To some, it is the final nail in UGs coffin. Michael Tomasello, co-director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, has been a long-standing critic of the idea that all languages conform to a set of rules. Universal grammar is dead, he says.
The loss of any single language might have implications for the human race.
e
id_3726
Language diversity One of the most influential ideas in the study of languages is that of universal grammar (UG). Put forward by Noam Chomsky in the 1960s, it is widely interpreted as meaning that all languages are basically the same, and that the human brain is born language-ready, with an in-built programme that is able to interpret the common rules underlying any mother tongue. For five decades this idea prevailed, and influenced work in linguistics, psychology and cognitive science. To understand language, it implied, you must sweep aside the huge diversity of languages, and find their common human core. Since the theory of UG was proposed, linguists have identified many universal language rules. However, there are almost always exceptions. It was once believed, for example, that if a language had syllables that begin with a vowel and end with a consonant (VC), it would also have syllables that begin with a consonant and end with a vowel (CV). This universal lasted until 1999, when linguists showed that Arrernte, spoken by Indigenous Australians from the area around Alice Springs in the Northern Territory, has VC syllables but no CV syllables. Other non-universal universals describe the basic rules of putting words together. Take the rule that every language contains four basic word classes: nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs. Work in the past two decades has shown that several languages lack an open adverb class, which means that new adverbs cannot be readily formed, unlike in English where you can turn any adjective into an adverb, for example soft into softly. Others, such as Lao, spoken in Laos, have no adjectives at all. More controversially, some linguists argue that a few languages, such as Straits Salish, spoken by indigenous people from north-western regions of North America, do not even have distinct nouns or verbs. Instead, they have a single class of words to include events, objects and qualities. Even apparently indisputable universals have been found lacking. This includes recursion, or the ability to infinitely place one grammatical unit inside a similar unit, such as Jack thinks that Mary thinks that ... the bus will be on time. It is widely considered to be the most essential characteristic of human language, one that sets it apart from the communications of all other animals. Yet Dan Everett at Illinois State University recently published controversial work showing that Amazonian Piraha does not have this quality. But what if the very diversity of languages is the key to understanding human communication? Linguists Nicholas Evans of the Australian National University in Canberra, and Stephen Levinson of the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics in Nijmegen, the Netherlands, believe that languages do not share a common set of rules. Instead, they say, their sheer variety is a defining feature of human communication something not seen in other animals. While there is no doubt that human thinking influences the form that language takes, if Evans and Levinson are correct, language in turn shapes our brains. This suggests that humans are more diverse than we thought, with our brains having differences depending on the language environment in which we grew up. And that leads to a disturbing conclusion: every time a language becomes extinct, humanity loses an important piece of diversity. If languages do not obey a single set of shared rules, then how are they created? Instead of universals. you get standard engineering solutions that languages adopt again and again, and then you get outliers. says Evans. He and Levinson argue that this is because any given language is a complex system shaped by many factors, including culture, genetics and history. There- are no absolutely universal traits of language, they say, only tendencies. And it is a mix of strong and weak tendencies that characterises the bio-cultural mix that we call language. According to the two linguists, the strong tendencies explain why many languages display common patterns. A variety of factors tend to push language in a similar direction, such as the structure of the brain, the biology of speech, and the efficiencies of communication. Widely shared linguistic elements may also be ones that build on a particularly human kind of reasoning. For example, the fact that before we learn to speak we perceive the world as a place full of things causing actions (agents) and things having actions done to them (patients) explains why most languages deploy these grammatical categories. Weak tendencies, in contrast, are explained by the idiosyncrasies of different languages. Evans and Levinson argue that many aspects of the particular natural history of a population may affect its language. For instance, Andy Butcher at Flinders University in Adelaide, South Australia, has observed that indigenous Australian children have by far the highest incidence of chronic middle-ear infection of any population on the planet, and that most indigenous Australian languages lack many sounds that are common in other languages, but which are hard to hear with a middle-ear infection. Whether this condition has shaped the sound systems of these languages is unknown, says Evans, but it is important to consider the idea. Levinson and Evans are not the first to question the theory of universal grammar, but no one has summarised these ideas quite as persuasively, and given them as much reach. As a result, their arguments have generated widespread enthusiasm, particularly among those linguists who are tired of trying to squeeze their findings into the straitjacket of absolute universals. To some, it is the final nail in UGs coffin. Michael Tomasello, co-director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, has been a long-standing critic of the idea that all languages conform to a set of rules. Universal grammar is dead, he says.
If Evans and Levinson are right, people develop in the same way no matter what language they speak.
c
id_3727
Language diversity One of the most influential ideas in the study of languages is that of universal grammar (UG). Put forward by Noam Chomsky in the 1960s, it is widely interpreted as meaning that all languages are basically the same, and that the human brain is born language-ready, with an in-built programme that is able to interpret the common rules underlying any mother tongue. For five decades this idea prevailed, and influenced work in linguistics, psychology and cognitive science. To understand language, it implied, you must sweep aside the huge diversity of languages, and find their common human core. Since the theory of UG was proposed, linguists have identified many universal language rules. However, there are almost always exceptions. It was once believed, for example, that if a language had syllables that begin with a vowel and end with a consonant (VC), it would also have syllables that begin with a consonant and end with a vowel (CV). This universal lasted until 1999, when linguists showed that Arrernte, spoken by Indigenous Australians from the area around Alice Springs in the Northern Territory, has VC syllables but no CV syllables. Other non-universal universals describe the basic rules of putting words together. Take the rule that every language contains four basic word classes: nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs. Work in the past two decades has shown that several languages lack an open adverb class, which means that new adverbs cannot be readily formed, unlike in English where you can turn any adjective into an adverb, for example soft into softly. Others, such as Lao, spoken in Laos, have no adjectives at all. More controversially, some linguists argue that a few languages, such as Straits Salish, spoken by indigenous people from north-western regions of North America, do not even have distinct nouns or verbs. Instead, they have a single class of words to include events, objects and qualities. Even apparently indisputable universals have been found lacking. This includes recursion, or the ability to infinitely place one grammatical unit inside a similar unit, such as Jack thinks that Mary thinks that ... the bus will be on time. It is widely considered to be the most essential characteristic of human language, one that sets it apart from the communications of all other animals. Yet Dan Everett at Illinois State University recently published controversial work showing that Amazonian Piraha does not have this quality. But what if the very diversity of languages is the key to understanding human communication? Linguists Nicholas Evans of the Australian National University in Canberra, and Stephen Levinson of the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics in Nijmegen, the Netherlands, believe that languages do not share a common set of rules. Instead, they say, their sheer variety is a defining feature of human communication something not seen in other animals. While there is no doubt that human thinking influences the form that language takes, if Evans and Levinson are correct, language in turn shapes our brains. This suggests that humans are more diverse than we thought, with our brains having differences depending on the language environment in which we grew up. And that leads to a disturbing conclusion: every time a language becomes extinct, humanity loses an important piece of diversity. If languages do not obey a single set of shared rules, then how are they created? Instead of universals. you get standard engineering solutions that languages adopt again and again, and then you get outliers. says Evans. He and Levinson argue that this is because any given language is a complex system shaped by many factors, including culture, genetics and history. There- are no absolutely universal traits of language, they say, only tendencies. And it is a mix of strong and weak tendencies that characterises the bio-cultural mix that we call language. According to the two linguists, the strong tendencies explain why many languages display common patterns. A variety of factors tend to push language in a similar direction, such as the structure of the brain, the biology of speech, and the efficiencies of communication. Widely shared linguistic elements may also be ones that build on a particularly human kind of reasoning. For example, the fact that before we learn to speak we perceive the world as a place full of things causing actions (agents) and things having actions done to them (patients) explains why most languages deploy these grammatical categories. Weak tendencies, in contrast, are explained by the idiosyncrasies of different languages. Evans and Levinson argue that many aspects of the particular natural history of a population may affect its language. For instance, Andy Butcher at Flinders University in Adelaide, South Australia, has observed that indigenous Australian children have by far the highest incidence of chronic middle-ear infection of any population on the planet, and that most indigenous Australian languages lack many sounds that are common in other languages, but which are hard to hear with a middle-ear infection. Whether this condition has shaped the sound systems of these languages is unknown, says Evans, but it is important to consider the idea. Levinson and Evans are not the first to question the theory of universal grammar, but no one has summarised these ideas quite as persuasively, and given them as much reach. As a result, their arguments have generated widespread enthusiasm, particularly among those linguists who are tired of trying to squeeze their findings into the straitjacket of absolute universals. To some, it is the final nail in UGs coffin. Michael Tomasello, co-director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, has been a long-standing critic of the idea that all languages conform to a set of rules. Universal grammar is dead, he says.
The search for new universal language rules has largely ended.
n
id_3728
Language diversity One of the most influential ideas in the study of languages is that of universal grammar (UG). Put forward by Noam Chomsky in the 1960s, it is widely interpreted as meaning that all languages are basically the same, and that the human brain is born language-ready, with an in-built programme that is able to interpret the common rules underlying any mother tongue. For five decades this idea prevailed, and influenced work in linguistics, psychology and cognitive science. To understand language, it implied, you must sweep aside the huge diversity of languages, and find their common human core. Since the theory of UG was proposed, linguists have identified many universal language rules. However, there are almost always exceptions. It was once believed, for example, that if a language had syllables that begin with a vowel and end with a consonant (VC), it would also have syllables that begin with a consonant and end with a vowel (CV). This universal lasted until 1999, when linguists showed that Arrernte, spoken by Indigenous Australians from the area around Alice Springs in the Northern Territory, has VC syllables but no CV syllables. Other non-universal universals describe the basic rules of putting words together. Take the rule that every language contains four basic word classes: nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs. Work in the past two decades has shown that several languages lack an open adverb class, which means that new adverbs cannot be readily formed, unlike in English where you can turn any adjective into an adverb, for example soft into softly. Others, such as Lao, spoken in Laos, have no adjectives at all. More controversially, some linguists argue that a few languages, such as Straits Salish, spoken by indigenous people from north-western regions of North America, do not even have distinct nouns or verbs. Instead, they have a single class of words to include events, objects and qualities. Even apparently indisputable universals have been found lacking. This includes recursion, or the ability to infinitely place one grammatical unit inside a similar unit, such as Jack thinks that Mary thinks that ... the bus will be on time. It is widely considered to be the most essential characteristic of human language, one that sets it apart from the communications of all other animals. Yet Dan Everett at Illinois State University recently published controversial work showing that Amazonian Piraha does not have this quality. But what if the very diversity of languages is the key to understanding human communication? Linguists Nicholas Evans of the Australian National University in Canberra, and Stephen Levinson of the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics in Nijmegen, the Netherlands, believe that languages do not share a common set of rules. Instead, they say, their sheer variety is a defining feature of human communication something not seen in other animals. While there is no doubt that human thinking influences the form that language takes, if Evans and Levinson are correct, language in turn shapes our brains. This suggests that humans are more diverse than we thought, with our brains having differences depending on the language environment in which we grew up. And that leads to a disturbing conclusion: every time a language becomes extinct, humanity loses an important piece of diversity. If languages do not obey a single set of shared rules, then how are they created? Instead of universals. you get standard engineering solutions that languages adopt again and again, and then you get outliers. says Evans. He and Levinson argue that this is because any given language is a complex system shaped by many factors, including culture, genetics and history. There- are no absolutely universal traits of language, they say, only tendencies. And it is a mix of strong and weak tendencies that characterises the bio-cultural mix that we call language. According to the two linguists, the strong tendencies explain why many languages display common patterns. A variety of factors tend to push language in a similar direction, such as the structure of the brain, the biology of speech, and the efficiencies of communication. Widely shared linguistic elements may also be ones that build on a particularly human kind of reasoning. For example, the fact that before we learn to speak we perceive the world as a place full of things causing actions (agents) and things having actions done to them (patients) explains why most languages deploy these grammatical categories. Weak tendencies, in contrast, are explained by the idiosyncrasies of different languages. Evans and Levinson argue that many aspects of the particular natural history of a population may affect its language. For instance, Andy Butcher at Flinders University in Adelaide, South Australia, has observed that indigenous Australian children have by far the highest incidence of chronic middle-ear infection of any population on the planet, and that most indigenous Australian languages lack many sounds that are common in other languages, but which are hard to hear with a middle-ear infection. Whether this condition has shaped the sound systems of these languages is unknown, says Evans, but it is important to consider the idea. Levinson and Evans are not the first to question the theory of universal grammar, but no one has summarised these ideas quite as persuasively, and given them as much reach. As a result, their arguments have generated widespread enthusiasm, particularly among those linguists who are tired of trying to squeeze their findings into the straitjacket of absolute universals. To some, it is the final nail in UGs coffin. Michael Tomasello, co-director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, has been a long-standing critic of the idea that all languages conform to a set of rules. Universal grammar is dead, he says.
There is disagreement amongst linguists about an aspect of Straits Salish grammar.
e
id_3729
Language diversity One of the most influential ideas in the study of languages is that of universal grammar (UG). Put forward by Noam Chomsky in the 1960s, it is widely interpreted as meaning that all languages are basically the same, and that the human brain is born language-ready, with an in-built programme that is able to interpret the common rules underlying any mother tongue. For five decades this idea prevailed, and influenced work in linguistics, psychology and cognitive science. To understand language, it implied, you must sweep aside the huge diversity of languages, and find their common human core. Since the theory of UG was proposed, linguists have identified many universal language rules. However, there are almost always exceptions. It was once believed, for example, that if a language had syllables that begin with a vowel and end with a consonant (VC), it would also have syllables that begin with a consonant and end with a vowel (CV). This universal lasted until 1999, when linguists showed that Arrernte, spoken by Indigenous Australians from the area around Alice Springs in the Northern Territory, has VC syllables but no CV syllables. Other non-universal universals describe the basic rules of putting words together. Take the rule that every language contains four basic word classes: nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs. Work in the past two decades has shown that several languages lack an open adverb class, which means that new adverbs cannot be readily formed, unlike in English where you can turn any adjective into an adverb, for example soft into softly. Others, such as Lao, spoken in Laos, have no adjectives at all. More controversially, some linguists argue that a few languages, such as Straits Salish, spoken by indigenous people from north-western regions of North America, do not even have distinct nouns or verbs. Instead, they have a single class of words to include events, objects and qualities. Even apparently indisputable universals have been found lacking. This includes recursion, or the ability to infinitely place one grammatical unit inside a similar unit, such as Jack thinks that Mary thinks that ... the bus will be on time. It is widely considered to be the most essential characteristic of human language, one that sets it apart from the communications of all other animals. Yet Dan Everett at Illinois State University recently published controversial work showing that Amazonian Piraha does not have this quality. But what if the very diversity of languages is the key to understanding human communication? Linguists Nicholas Evans of the Australian National University in Canberra, and Stephen Levinson of the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics in Nijmegen, the Netherlands, believe that languages do not share a common set of rules. Instead, they say, their sheer variety is a defining feature of human communication something not seen in other animals. While there is no doubt that human thinking influences the form that language takes, if Evans and Levinson are correct, language in turn shapes our brains. This suggests that humans are more diverse than we thought, with our brains having differences depending on the language environment in which we grew up. And that leads to a disturbing conclusion: every time a language becomes extinct, humanity loses an important piece of diversity. If languages do not obey a single set of shared rules, then how are they created? Instead of universals. you get standard engineering solutions that languages adopt again and again, and then you get outliers. says Evans. He and Levinson argue that this is because any given language is a complex system shaped by many factors, including culture, genetics and history. There- are no absolutely universal traits of language, they say, only tendencies. And it is a mix of strong and weak tendencies that characterises the bio-cultural mix that we call language. According to the two linguists, the strong tendencies explain why many languages display common patterns. A variety of factors tend to push language in a similar direction, such as the structure of the brain, the biology of speech, and the efficiencies of communication. Widely shared linguistic elements may also be ones that build on a particularly human kind of reasoning. For example, the fact that before we learn to speak we perceive the world as a place full of things causing actions (agents) and things having actions done to them (patients) explains why most languages deploy these grammatical categories. Weak tendencies, in contrast, are explained by the idiosyncrasies of different languages. Evans and Levinson argue that many aspects of the particular natural history of a population may affect its language. For instance, Andy Butcher at Flinders University in Adelaide, South Australia, has observed that indigenous Australian children have by far the highest incidence of chronic middle-ear infection of any population on the planet, and that most indigenous Australian languages lack many sounds that are common in other languages, but which are hard to hear with a middle-ear infection. Whether this condition has shaped the sound systems of these languages is unknown, says Evans, but it is important to consider the idea. Levinson and Evans are not the first to question the theory of universal grammar, but no one has summarised these ideas quite as persuasively, and given them as much reach. As a result, their arguments have generated widespread enthusiasm, particularly among those linguists who are tired of trying to squeeze their findings into the straitjacket of absolute universals. To some, it is the final nail in UGs coffin. Michael Tomasello, co-director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, has been a long-standing critic of the idea that all languages conform to a set of rules. Universal grammar is dead, he says.
The majority of UG rules proposed by linguists do apply to all human languages.
c
id_3730
Languages around the world are dying off at a tremendous rate. Linguists estimate that between 20 per cent and 50 per cent of the 6000 languages now spoken are no longer being taught to children, and will become extinct in the next century. According to linguists at the AAAS, the loss of language is bad not only for linguists but for all humanity. "The world would be less beautiful and less interesting without linguistic diversity, " said Michael Krauss of the University of Alaska, Fairbanks. "I challenge anyone to prove to me we are better off without linguistic diversity. " Languages are dying as improved transport and telecommunications bring different peoples into closer contact, and speakers of minority tongues abandon them for the languages of more dominant cultures. Sometimes the switch is voluntary, but often it is forced. Earlier this century, for example, American Indian schoolchildren were punished for speaking their native tongue. The most basic reason why linguistic diversity should be preserved is that language helps people to retain their culture. But speakers cited several other good reasons too. "As linguists we need linguistic diversity, " said Kenneth Hale of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "We wouldn't even know what questions to ask with only one language. " Linguists are especially interested in the rules of grammar that seem common to all languages, because they provide important clues to how the mind works. As an example, Hale pointed to the distinction between singular and plural forms, such as "cat" and "cats". Trying to figure out the deeper rule that allows this distinction, a linguist who knew only English might come up with two possible explanations. One is that built into the brain there is a basic binary distinction between "one" and "more than one". Alternatively, there might be in-built distinctions between one subject, two, three or more. In English, it is impossible to tell which of these processes is at work. But by studying many different languages, linguists find the common factor is the binary distinction. Hale also argued that language should be seen as "the product of human intellectual toil" rather than something that evolves unaided. For example, he studied a language called Damin, an offshoot of Lardil, an Australian Aboriginal tongue. Damin was a special language spoken only by young men in the first few years after their initiation. It was an extremely abstract, simplified form of Lardil, which could be taught to initiates in a few hours. Hale said the genius of Damin was the way it broke Lardil down into its most basic concepts. Lardil, for example, has many words for "fish" while Damin has only two - one meaning "bony fish", and one meaning "cartilaginous fish". This shows that for Lardil speakers, there is a fundamental distinction between the two. In a similar vein, Lardil has about 90 words to cover pronouns such as "me" and "you" and determiners such as "this" and "that". But in Damin, these are boiled down to two words, "niaa" and "niuu", meaning "I" and "not-I". "I hope you'll realise this is a very big invention, " said Hale. "It's not just joking around. " It is as if an expert linguist had sat down to make a basic study of the Lardil language, he said. Unfortunately, Damin is no longer spoken, and Lardil is dying out.
Lardil is a simplified version of Damin.
c
id_3731
Languages around the world are dying off at a tremendous rate. Linguists estimate that between 20 per cent and 50 per cent of the 6000 languages now spoken are no longer being taught to children, and will become extinct in the next century. According to linguists at the AAAS, the loss of language is bad not only for linguists but for all humanity. "The world would be less beautiful and less interesting without linguistic diversity, " said Michael Krauss of the University of Alaska, Fairbanks. "I challenge anyone to prove to me we are better off without linguistic diversity. " Languages are dying as improved transport and telecommunications bring different peoples into closer contact, and speakers of minority tongues abandon them for the languages of more dominant cultures. Sometimes the switch is voluntary, but often it is forced. Earlier this century, for example, American Indian schoolchildren were punished for speaking their native tongue. The most basic reason why linguistic diversity should be preserved is that language helps people to retain their culture. But speakers cited several other good reasons too. "As linguists we need linguistic diversity, " said Kenneth Hale of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "We wouldn't even know what questions to ask with only one language. " Linguists are especially interested in the rules of grammar that seem common to all languages, because they provide important clues to how the mind works. As an example, Hale pointed to the distinction between singular and plural forms, such as "cat" and "cats". Trying to figure out the deeper rule that allows this distinction, a linguist who knew only English might come up with two possible explanations. One is that built into the brain there is a basic binary distinction between "one" and "more than one". Alternatively, there might be in-built distinctions between one subject, two, three or more. In English, it is impossible to tell which of these processes is at work. But by studying many different languages, linguists find the common factor is the binary distinction. Hale also argued that language should be seen as "the product of human intellectual toil" rather than something that evolves unaided. For example, he studied a language called Damin, an offshoot of Lardil, an Australian Aboriginal tongue. Damin was a special language spoken only by young men in the first few years after their initiation. It was an extremely abstract, simplified form of Lardil, which could be taught to initiates in a few hours. Hale said the genius of Damin was the way it broke Lardil down into its most basic concepts. Lardil, for example, has many words for "fish" while Damin has only two - one meaning "bony fish", and one meaning "cartilaginous fish". This shows that for Lardil speakers, there is a fundamental distinction between the two. In a similar vein, Lardil has about 90 words to cover pronouns such as "me" and "you" and determiners such as "this" and "that". But in Damin, these are boiled down to two words, "niaa" and "niuu", meaning "I" and "not-I". "I hope you'll realise this is a very big invention, " said Hale. "It's not just joking around. " It is as if an expert linguist had sat down to make a basic study of the Lardil language, he said. Unfortunately, Damin is no longer spoken, and Lardil is dying out.
The rules of grammar can help us to understand how people think.
e
id_3732
Languages around the world are dying off at a tremendous rate. Linguists estimate that between 20 per cent and 50 per cent of the 6000 languages now spoken are no longer being taught to children, and will become extinct in the next century. According to linguists at the AAAS, the loss of language is bad not only for linguists but for all humanity. "The world would be less beautiful and less interesting without linguistic diversity, " said Michael Krauss of the University of Alaska, Fairbanks. "I challenge anyone to prove to me we are better off without linguistic diversity. " Languages are dying as improved transport and telecommunications bring different peoples into closer contact, and speakers of minority tongues abandon them for the languages of more dominant cultures. Sometimes the switch is voluntary, but often it is forced. Earlier this century, for example, American Indian schoolchildren were punished for speaking their native tongue. The most basic reason why linguistic diversity should be preserved is that language helps people to retain their culture. But speakers cited several other good reasons too. "As linguists we need linguistic diversity, " said Kenneth Hale of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "We wouldn't even know what questions to ask with only one language. " Linguists are especially interested in the rules of grammar that seem common to all languages, because they provide important clues to how the mind works. As an example, Hale pointed to the distinction between singular and plural forms, such as "cat" and "cats". Trying to figure out the deeper rule that allows this distinction, a linguist who knew only English might come up with two possible explanations. One is that built into the brain there is a basic binary distinction between "one" and "more than one". Alternatively, there might be in-built distinctions between one subject, two, three or more. In English, it is impossible to tell which of these processes is at work. But by studying many different languages, linguists find the common factor is the binary distinction. Hale also argued that language should be seen as "the product of human intellectual toil" rather than something that evolves unaided. For example, he studied a language called Damin, an offshoot of Lardil, an Australian Aboriginal tongue. Damin was a special language spoken only by young men in the first few years after their initiation. It was an extremely abstract, simplified form of Lardil, which could be taught to initiates in a few hours. Hale said the genius of Damin was the way it broke Lardil down into its most basic concepts. Lardil, for example, has many words for "fish" while Damin has only two - one meaning "bony fish", and one meaning "cartilaginous fish". This shows that for Lardil speakers, there is a fundamental distinction between the two. In a similar vein, Lardil has about 90 words to cover pronouns such as "me" and "you" and determiners such as "this" and "that". But in Damin, these are boiled down to two words, "niaa" and "niuu", meaning "I" and "not-I". "I hope you'll realise this is a very big invention, " said Hale. "It's not just joking around. " It is as if an expert linguist had sat down to make a basic study of the Lardil language, he said. Unfortunately, Damin is no longer spoken, and Lardil is dying out.
Kenneth Hale believes we need to keep different languages to maintain different cultures.
n
id_3733
Languages around the world are dying off at a tremendous rate. Linguists estimate that between 20 per cent and 50 per cent of the 6000 languages now spoken are no longer being taught to children, and will become extinct in the next century. According to linguists at the AAAS, the loss of language is bad not only for linguists but for all humanity. "The world would be less beautiful and less interesting without linguistic diversity, " said Michael Krauss of the University of Alaska, Fairbanks. "I challenge anyone to prove to me we are better off without linguistic diversity. " Languages are dying as improved transport and telecommunications bring different peoples into closer contact, and speakers of minority tongues abandon them for the languages of more dominant cultures. Sometimes the switch is voluntary, but often it is forced. Earlier this century, for example, American Indian schoolchildren were punished for speaking their native tongue. The most basic reason why linguistic diversity should be preserved is that language helps people to retain their culture. But speakers cited several other good reasons too. "As linguists we need linguistic diversity, " said Kenneth Hale of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "We wouldn't even know what questions to ask with only one language. " Linguists are especially interested in the rules of grammar that seem common to all languages, because they provide important clues to how the mind works. As an example, Hale pointed to the distinction between singular and plural forms, such as "cat" and "cats". Trying to figure out the deeper rule that allows this distinction, a linguist who knew only English might come up with two possible explanations. One is that built into the brain there is a basic binary distinction between "one" and "more than one". Alternatively, there might be in-built distinctions between one subject, two, three or more. In English, it is impossible to tell which of these processes is at work. But by studying many different languages, linguists find the common factor is the binary distinction. Hale also argued that language should be seen as "the product of human intellectual toil" rather than something that evolves unaided. For example, he studied a language called Damin, an offshoot of Lardil, an Australian Aboriginal tongue. Damin was a special language spoken only by young men in the first few years after their initiation. It was an extremely abstract, simplified form of Lardil, which could be taught to initiates in a few hours. Hale said the genius of Damin was the way it broke Lardil down into its most basic concepts. Lardil, for example, has many words for "fish" while Damin has only two - one meaning "bony fish", and one meaning "cartilaginous fish". This shows that for Lardil speakers, there is a fundamental distinction between the two. In a similar vein, Lardil has about 90 words to cover pronouns such as "me" and "you" and determiners such as "this" and "that". But in Damin, these are boiled down to two words, "niaa" and "niuu", meaning "I" and "not-I". "I hope you'll realise this is a very big invention, " said Hale. "It's not just joking around. " It is as if an expert linguist had sat down to make a basic study of the Lardil language, he said. Unfortunately, Damin is no longer spoken, and Lardil is dying out.
American Indian schoolchildren prefer to speak that mother tongue.
n
id_3734
Languages around the world are dying off at a tremendous rate. Linguists estimate that between 20 per cent and 50 per cent of the 6000 languages now spoken are no longer being taught to children, and will become extinct in the next century. According to linguists at the AAAS, the loss of language is bad not only for linguists but for all humanity. "The world would be less beautiful and less interesting without linguistic diversity, " said Michael Krauss of the University of Alaska, Fairbanks. "I challenge anyone to prove to me we are better off without linguistic diversity. " Languages are dying as improved transport and telecommunications bring different peoples into closer contact, and speakers of minority tongues abandon them for the languages of more dominant cultures. Sometimes the switch is voluntary, but often it is forced. Earlier this century, for example, American Indian schoolchildren were punished for speaking their native tongue. The most basic reason why linguistic diversity should be preserved is that language helps people to retain their culture. But speakers cited several other good reasons too. "As linguists we need linguistic diversity, " said Kenneth Hale of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "We wouldn't even know what questions to ask with only one language. " Linguists are especially interested in the rules of grammar that seem common to all languages, because they provide important clues to how the mind works. As an example, Hale pointed to the distinction between singular and plural forms, such as "cat" and "cats". Trying to figure out the deeper rule that allows this distinction, a linguist who knew only English might come up with two possible explanations. One is that built into the brain there is a basic binary distinction between "one" and "more than one". Alternatively, there might be in-built distinctions between one subject, two, three or more. In English, it is impossible to tell which of these processes is at work. But by studying many different languages, linguists find the common factor is the binary distinction. Hale also argued that language should be seen as "the product of human intellectual toil" rather than something that evolves unaided. For example, he studied a language called Damin, an offshoot of Lardil, an Australian Aboriginal tongue. Damin was a special language spoken only by young men in the first few years after their initiation. It was an extremely abstract, simplified form of Lardil, which could be taught to initiates in a few hours. Hale said the genius of Damin was the way it broke Lardil down into its most basic concepts. Lardil, for example, has many words for "fish" while Damin has only two - one meaning "bony fish", and one meaning "cartilaginous fish". This shows that for Lardil speakers, there is a fundamental distinction between the two. In a similar vein, Lardil has about 90 words to cover pronouns such as "me" and "you" and determiners such as "this" and "that". But in Damin, these are boiled down to two words, "niaa" and "niuu", meaning "I" and "not-I". "I hope you'll realise this is a very big invention, " said Hale. "It's not just joking around. " It is as if an expert linguist had sat down to make a basic study of the Lardil language, he said. Unfortunately, Damin is no longer spoken, and Lardil is dying out.
Michael Krauss feels the world does not need so many languages.
c
id_3735
Languages around the world are dying off at a tremendous rate. Linguists estimate that between 20 per cent and 50 per cent of the 6000 languages now spoken are no longer being taught to children, and will become extinct in the next century. According to linguists at the AAAS, the loss of language is bad not only for linguists but for all humanity. "The world would be less beautiful and less interesting without linguistic diversity, " said Michael Krauss of the University of Alaska, Fairbanks. "I challenge anyone to prove to me we are better off without linguistic diversity. " Languages are dying as improved transport and telecommunications bring different peoples into closer contact, and speakers of minority tongues abandon them for the languages of more dominant cultures. Sometimes the switch is voluntary, but often it is forced. Earlier this century, for example, American Indian schoolchildren were punished for speaking their native tongue. The most basic reason why linguistic diversity should be preserved is that language helps people to retain their culture. But speakers cited several other good reasons too. "As linguists we need linguistic diversity, " said Kenneth Hale of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "We wouldn't even know what questions to ask with only one language. " Linguists are especially interested in the rules of grammar that seem common to all languages, because they provide important clues to how the mind works. As an example, Hale pointed to the distinction between singular and plural forms, such as "cat" and "cats". Trying to figure out the deeper rule that allows this distinction, a linguist who knew only English might come up with two possible explanations. One is that built into the brain there is a basic binary distinction between "one" and "more than one". Alternatively, there might be in-built distinctions between one subject, two, three or more. In English, it is impossible to tell which of these processes is at work. But by studying many different languages, linguists find the common factor is the binary distinction. Hale also argued that language should be seen as "the product of human intellectual toil" rather than something that evolves unaided. For example, he studied a language called Damin, an offshoot of Lardil, an Australian Aboriginal tongue. Damin was a special language spoken only by young men in the first few years after their initiation. It was an extremely abstract, simplified form of Lardil, which could be taught to initiates in a few hours. Hale said the genius of Damin was the way it broke Lardil down into its most basic concepts. Lardil, for example, has many words for "fish" while Damin has only two - one meaning "bony fish", and one meaning "cartilaginous fish". This shows that for Lardil speakers, there is a fundamental distinction between the two. In a similar vein, Lardil has about 90 words to cover pronouns such as "me" and "you" and determiners such as "this" and "that". But in Damin, these are boiled down to two words, "niaa" and "niuu", meaning "I" and "not-I". "I hope you'll realise this is a very big invention, " said Hale. "It's not just joking around. " It is as if an expert linguist had sat down to make a basic study of the Lardil language, he said. Unfortunately, Damin is no longer spoken, and Lardil is dying out.
Lardil is now used less than Damin.
c
id_3736
Large areas of land are needed for growing plants that will be distilled into biofuels. Producing biofucls from agricultural commodities has forced up the price of food. This ts just one of the negative impacts that ncreased biofuel production has had on food securtty. In August, food scientist Sharon de Cruz demanded an mmediate financial review of the current system of subsidies. Her argument ts that there are more cost-efficient ways of supporting biofuels. For exampk, studies have indicated that genetically modifying crops will improve their suttability for producing biofuels.
Sharon de Cruz made a scientific recommendation based on environmental concerns.
c
id_3737
Large areas of land are needed for growing plants that will be distilled into biofuels. Producing biofucls from agricultural commodities has forced up the price of food. This ts just one of the negative impacts that ncreased biofuel production has had on food securtty. In August, food scientist Sharon de Cruz demanded an mmediate financial review of the current system of subsidies. Her argument ts that there are more cost-efficient ways of supporting biofuels. For exampk, studies have indicated that genetically modifying crops will improve their suttability for producing biofuels.
Genetically modified crops produce biofuels more efficiently.
e
id_3738
Large areas of land are needed for growing plants that will be distilled into biofuels. Producing biofucls from agricultural commodities has forced up the price of food. This ts just one of the negative impacts that ncreased biofuel production has had on food securtty. In August, food scientist Sharon de Cruz demanded an mmediate financial review of the current system of subsidies. Her argument ts that there are more cost-efficient ways of supporting biofuels. For exampk, studies have indicated that genetically modifying crops will improve their suttability for producing biofuels.
Biofuel production requires large amounts of land.
e
id_3739
Large areas of land are needed for growing plants that will be distilled into biofuels. Producing biofucls from agricultural commodities has forced up the price of food. This ts just one of the negative impacts that ncreased biofuel production has had on food securtty. In August, food scientist Sharon de Cruz demanded an mmediate financial review of the current system of subsidies. Her argument ts that there are more cost-efficient ways of supporting biofuels. For exampk, studies have indicated that genetically modifying crops will improve their suttability for producing biofuels.
Food security is mproved by the increased use of biofuels.
c
id_3740
Large areas of land are needed for growing plants that will be distilled into biofuels. Producing biofucls from agricultural commodities has forced up the price of food. This ts just one of the negative impacts that ncreased biofuel production has had on food securtty. In August, food scientist Sharon de Cruz demanded an mmediate financial review of the current system of subsidies. Her argument ts that there are more cost-efficient ways of supporting biofuels. For exampk, studies have indicated that genetically modifying crops will improve their suttability for producing biofuels.
Subsidies are one way of supporting biofuel production.
e
id_3741
Last month the market research company Du Balle Inc. reported that the organic food sector grew over the past year, but not at the same rate as the previous five years during which the market grew fivefold. An oft-asked question about organic food is why does tt cost so much more? The simple answer ts that organically grown products cost more to farm than their conventionally produced counterparts. Higher production costs due to methods such as crop rotation, hand- weeding (rather than pesticides) and the use of animal manure (instead of chemical fertilisers) result in higher costs to the consumer. Sceptics clam that organic foods are no healthier than non-organic foods. But proponents of organic farmmg counter that organically produced foods contain fewer contammants and that these health benefits more than justify the price differential. A spokeswoman from the Organic Farming Association said: Organic farming 1s about sustainability and this means economic sustainability for struggling farmers, as well as sustainable food production.
Using animal manure costs more than chemical fertilisers.
e
id_3742
Last month the market research company Du Balle Inc. reported that the organic food sector grew over the past year, but not at the same rate as the previous five years during which the market grew fivefold. An oft-asked question about organic food is why does tt cost so much more? The simple answer ts that organically grown products cost more to farm than their conventionally produced counterparts. Higher production costs due to methods such as crop rotation, hand- weeding (rather than pesticides) and the use of animal manure (instead of chemical fertilisers) result in higher costs to the consumer. Sceptics clam that organic foods are no healthier than non-organic foods. But proponents of organic farmmg counter that organically produced foods contain fewer contammants and that these health benefits more than justify the price differential. A spokeswoman from the Organic Farming Association said: Organic farming 1s about sustainability and this means economic sustainability for struggling farmers, as well as sustainable food production.
The health benefits of organically grown food 1s indisputable.
c
id_3743
Last month the market research company Du Balle Inc. reported that the organic food sector grew over the past year, but not at the same rate as the previous five years during which the market grew fivefold. An oft-asked question about organic food is why does tt cost so much more? The simple answer ts that organically grown products cost more to farm than their conventionally produced counterparts. Higher production costs due to methods such as crop rotation, hand- weeding (rather than pesticides) and the use of animal manure (instead of chemical fertilisers) result in higher costs to the consumer. Sceptics clam that organic foods are no healthier than non-organic foods. But proponents of organic farmmg counter that organically produced foods contain fewer contammants and that these health benefits more than justify the price differential. A spokeswoman from the Organic Farming Association said: Organic farming 1s about sustainability and this means economic sustainability for struggling farmers, as well as sustainable food production.
Growth mn the organic food market is slowing.
e
id_3744
Last month the market research company Du Balle Inc. reported that the organic food sector grew over the past year, but not at the same rate as the previous five years during which the market grew fivefold. An oft-asked question about organic food is why does tt cost so much more? The simple answer ts that organically grown products cost more to farm than their conventionally produced counterparts. Higher production costs due to methods such as crop rotation, hand- weeding (rather than pesticides) and the use of animal manure (instead of chemical fertilisers) result in higher costs to the consumer. Sceptics clam that organic foods are no healthier than non-organic foods. But proponents of organic farmmg counter that organically produced foods contain fewer contammants and that these health benefits more than justify the price differential. A spokeswoman from the Organic Farming Association said: Organic farming 1s about sustainability and this means economic sustainability for struggling farmers, as well as sustainable food production.
Organkally grown food contains no pesticides and contammnants.
c
id_3745
Last month the market research company Du Balle Inc. reported that the organic food sector grew over the past year, but not at the same rate as the previous five years during which the market grew fivefold. An oft-asked question about organic food is why does tt cost so much more? The simple answer ts that organically grown products cost more to farm than their conventionally produced counterparts. Higher production costs due to methods such as crop rotation, hand- weeding (rather than pesticides) and the use of animal manure (instead of chemical fertilisers) result in higher costs to the consumer. Sceptics clam that organic foods are no healthier than non-organic foods. But proponents of organic farmmg counter that organically produced foods contain fewer contammants and that these health benefits more than justify the price differential. A spokeswoman from the Organic Farming Association said: Organic farming 1s about sustainability and this means economic sustainability for struggling farmers, as well as sustainable food production.
The organic farming movement has no financial motivation.
c
id_3746
Last night's meeting of the county council saw spirited, and, at times, heated debate over the council's decision last month to approve the construction of a supermarket on the site of the village car park in Hiddlesfield. Shopkeepers are particularly concerned about the loss in trade that may result from the opening of a national supermarket in a village of Hiddlesfield's size. The fishmonger suggested that the council learn the lesson of Aldersham, the neighbouring village, where the council allowed a national supermarket to be built three years ago. Within three months of the supermarket opening, half of the shops in Aldersham's high street had shut, due to the loss in foot traffic. In response, a councillor pointed out that the supermarket had brought dozens of jobs to Aldersham, along with many conveniences and products not previously available in the village. Hiddlesfield's butcher also spoke very forcefully against the supermarket. She argued that its beef and lamb are sourced from Wales and Ireland, rather than the local farms that her shop favours. The butcher said that the cost to the local economy is far greater than the potential loss of shops on the high street, when the consequences to businesses in the county at large are considered.
Most people in Hiddlesfield oppose the new supermarket.
n
id_3747
Last night's meeting of the county council saw spirited, and, at times, heated debate over the council's decision last month to approve the construction of a supermarket on the site of the village car park in Hiddlesfield. Shopkeepers are particularly concerned about the loss in trade that may result from the opening of a national supermarket in a village of Hiddlesfield's size. The fishmonger suggested that the council learn the lesson of Aldersham, the neighbouring village, where the council allowed a national supermarket to be built three years ago. Within three months of the supermarket opening, half of the shops in Aldersham's high street had shut, due to the loss in foot traffic. In response, a councillor pointed out that the supermarket had brought dozens of jobs to Aldersham, along with many conveniences and products not previously available in the village. Hiddlesfield's butcher also spoke very forcefully against the supermarket. She argued that its beef and lamb are sourced from Wales and Ireland, rather than the local farms that her shop favours. The butcher said that the cost to the local economy is far greater than the potential loss of shops on the high street, when the consequences to businesses in the county at large are considered.
The butcher supports the new supermarket.
c
id_3748
Last night's meeting of the county council saw spirited, and, at times, heated debate over the council's decision last month to approve the construction of a supermarket on the site of the village car park in Hiddlesfield. Shopkeepers are particularly concerned about the loss in trade that may result from the opening of a national supermarket in a village of Hiddlesfield's size. The fishmonger suggested that the council learn the lesson of Aldersham, the neighbouring village, where the council allowed a national supermarket to be built three years ago. Within three months of the supermarket opening, half of the shops in Aldersham's high street had shut, due to the loss in foot traffic. In response, a councillor pointed out that the supermarket had brought dozens of jobs to Aldersham, along with many conveniences and products not previously available in the village. Hiddlesfield's butcher also spoke very forcefully against the supermarket. She argued that its beef and lamb are sourced from Wales and Ireland, rather than the local farms that her shop favours. The butcher said that the cost to the local economy is far greater than the potential loss of shops on the high street, when the consequences to businesses in the county at large are considered.
The supermarket recently built in Aldersham was a success.
n
id_3749
Last night's meeting of the county council saw spirited, and, at times, heated debate over the council's decision last month to approve the construction of a supermarket on the site of the village car park in Hiddlesfield. Shopkeepers are particularly concerned about the loss in trade that may result from the opening of a national supermarket in a village of Hiddlesfield's size. The fishmonger suggested that the council learn the lesson of Aldersham, the neighbouring village, where the council allowed a national supermarket to be built three years ago. Within three months of the supermarket opening, half of the shops in Aldersham's high street had shut, due to the loss in foot traffic. In response, a councillor pointed out that the supermarket had brought dozens of jobs to Aldersham, along with many conveniences and products not previously available in the village. Hiddlesfield's butcher also spoke very forcefully against the supermarket. She argued that its beef and lamb are sourced from Wales and Ireland, rather than the local farms that her shop favours. The butcher said that the cost to the local economy is far greater than the potential loss of shops on the high street, when the consequences to businesses in the county at large are considered.
A new supermarket may cause some shops to close.
e
id_3750
Last summer, Mike spent two weeks at a summer camp. There, he went hiking, swimming, and canoeing. This summer, Mike looks forward to attending a two-week music camp, where he hopes to sing, dance, and learn to play the guitar.
Mike likes to sing and dance.
e
id_3751
Last summer, Mike spent two weeks at a summer camp. There, he went hiking, swimming, and canoeing. This summer, Mike looks forward to attending a two-week music camp, where he hopes to sing, dance, and learn to play the guitar.
Mike prefers music to outdoor activities.
n
id_3752
Last summer, Mike spent two weeks at a summer camp. There, he went hiking, swimming, and canoeing. This summer, Mike looks forward to attending a two-week music camp, where he hopes to sing, dance, and learn to play the guitar.
Mike goes to some type of camp every summer.
n
id_3753
Last summer, Mike spent two weeks at a summer camp. There, he went hiking, swimming, and canoeing. This summer, Mike looks forward to attending a two-week music camp, where he hopes to sing, dance, and learn to play the guitar.
Mike's parents want him to learn to play the guitar.
n
id_3754
Last week, the competition commission outlined two packages to regulate the sale of extended product warranties, which provide repair/replacement for faulty goods beyond the manufacturers original guarantee. Whilst warranty sales are currently highly profitable, with some retailers attributing up to . of their profits to this income stream, they are also criticized for offering poor value for money due to obscure clauses, which restrict payment in many, but the most unlikely claim scenarios. The first package-to ban retailers selling a full warranty on the day of purchase was condemned by all as draconian-whilst the other, rather milder, option of forcing retailers to provide full information on warranty exclusions and an obligatory 60day cool-off period for customers, received a more balanced hearing. Because no one believes that the first option will ever be implemented, investors and analysts have focused more closely on the implication of the milder package. In a recent leaked research note, one analyst suggested that the implementation of the reform in the second package would place a staff-training burden on the retailer, which would lead to a significant increase in the cost of warranty sales, and a predicted 20% fall in actual sales.
It is likely that neither package will be implemented.
n
id_3755
Last week, the competition commission outlined two packages to regulate the sale of extended product warranties, which provide repair/replacement for faulty goods beyond the manufacturers original guarantee. Whilst warranty sales are currently highly profitable, with some retailers attributing up to . of their profits to this income stream, they are also criticized for offering poor value for money due to obscure clauses, which restrict payment in many, but the most unlikely claim scenarios. The first package-to ban retailers selling a full warranty on the day of purchase was condemned by all as draconian-whilst the other, rather milder, option of forcing retailers to provide full information on warranty exclusions and an obligatory 60day cool-off period for customers, received a more balanced hearing. Because no one believes that the first option will ever be implemented, investors and analysts have focused more closely on the implication of the milder package. In a recent leaked research note, one analyst suggested that the implementation of the reform in the second package would place a staff-training burden on the retailer, which would lead to a significant increase in the cost of warranty sales, and a predicted 20% fall in actual sales.
Cool-off periods are not currently offered by companies selling product warranties.
n
id_3756
Last week, the competition commission outlined two packages to regulate the sale of extended product warranties, which provide repair/replacement for faulty goods beyond the manufacturers original guarantee. Whilst warranty sales are currently highly profitable, with some retailers attributing up to . of their profits to this income stream, they are also criticized for offering poor value for money due to obscure clauses, which restrict payment in many, but the most unlikely claim scenarios. The first package-to ban retailers selling a full warranty on the day of purchase was condemned by all as draconian-whilst the other, rather milder, option of forcing retailers to provide full information on warranty exclusions and an obligatory 60day cool-off period for customers, received a more balanced hearing. Because no one believes that the first option will ever be implemented, investors and analysts have focused more closely on the implication of the milder package. In a recent leaked research note, one analyst suggested that the implementation of the reform in the second package would place a staff-training burden on the retailer, which would lead to a significant increase in the cost of warranty sales, and a predicted 20% fall in actual sales.
Preventing retailers from selling warranties on the day of purchase of a product was felt to be too severe a restriction.
e
id_3757
Last week, the competition commission outlined two packages to regulate the sale of extended product warranties, which provide repair/replacement for faulty goods beyond the manufacturers original guarantee. Whilst warranty sales are currently highly profitable, with some retailers attributing up to 34 of their profits to this income stream, they are also criticized for offering poor value for money due to obscure clauses, which restrict payment in many, but the most unlikely claim scenarios. The first package to ban retailers selling a full warranty on the day of purchase was condemned by all as draconian whilst the other, rather milder, option of forcing retailers to provide full information on warranty exclusions and an obligatory 60day cool-off period for customers, received a more balanced hearing. Because no one believes that the first option will ever be implemented, investors and analysts have focused more closely on the implication of the milder package. In a recent leaked research note, one analyst suggested that the implementation of the reform in the second package would place a staff-training burden on the retailer, which would lead to a significant increase in the cost of warranty sales, and a predicted 20% fall in actual sales.
Preventing retailers from selling warranties on the day of purchase of a product was felt to be too severe a restriction.
e
id_3758
Last week, the competition commission outlined two packages to regulate the sale of extended product warranties, which provide repair/replacement for faulty goods beyond the manufacturers original guarantee. Whilst warranty sales are currently highly profitable, with some retailers attributing up to 34 of their profits to this income stream, they are also criticized for offering poor value for money due to obscure clauses, which restrict payment in many, but the most unlikely claim scenarios. The first package to ban retailers selling a full warranty on the day of purchase was condemned by all as draconian whilst the other, rather milder, option of forcing retailers to provide full information on warranty exclusions and an obligatory 60day cool-off period for customers, received a more balanced hearing. Because no one believes that the first option will ever be implemented, investors and analysts have focused more closely on the implication of the milder package. In a recent leaked research note, one analyst suggested that the implementation of the reform in the second package would place a staff-training burden on the retailer, which would lead to a significant increase in the cost of warranty sales, and a predicted 20% fall in actual sales.
Cool-off periods are not currently offered by companies selling product warranties.
e
id_3759
Last week, the competition commission outlined two packages to regulate the sale of extended product warranties, which provide repair/replacement for faulty goods beyond the manufacturers original guarantee. Whilst warranty sales are currently highly profitable, with some retailers attributing up to 34 of their profits to this income stream, they are also criticized for offering poor value for money due to obscure clauses, which restrict payment in many, but the most unlikely claim scenarios. The first package to ban retailers selling a full warranty on the day of purchase was condemned by all as draconian whilst the other, rather milder, option of forcing retailers to provide full information on warranty exclusions and an obligatory 60day cool-off period for customers, received a more balanced hearing. Because no one believes that the first option will ever be implemented, investors and analysts have focused more closely on the implication of the milder package. In a recent leaked research note, one analyst suggested that the implementation of the reform in the second package would place a staff-training burden on the retailer, which would lead to a significant increase in the cost of warranty sales, and a predicted 20% fall in actual sales.
It is likely that neither package will be implemented.
n
id_3760
Last years summer was noteworthy for being very wet and very windy and yet neither of these qualities featured in the meteorological services long-term forecast. We were advised that we could expect a typical summer with above- average temperatures and average or slightly above-average levels of rainfall. There was no mention whatsoever of the widespread flooding that occurred. This raises the question of whether the forecast was wrong and they in principle could have but did not forecast the exceptional weather or whether it is in principle impossible to forecast specific long-term exceptional events. Long-term forecasts are based on baseline averages over an extended period and trends in that baseline are used to build the forecast and predict, for example, if that trend is to continue. If extreme weather is occurring more frequently then it is feasible that the forecast might include the prediction that the frequency of these events will continue to be higher than the historic average.
It is a mistake to believe that the exceptional can be forecast over the long term.
c
id_3761
Last years summer was noteworthy for being very wet and very windy and yet neither of these qualities featured in the meteorological services long-term forecast. We were advised that we could expect a typical summer with above- average temperatures and average or slightly above-average levels of rainfall. There was no mention whatsoever of the widespread flooding that occurred. This raises the question of whether the forecast was wrong and they in principle could have but did not forecast the exceptional weather or whether it is in principle impossible to forecast specific long-term exceptional events. Long-term forecasts are based on baseline averages over an extended period and trends in that baseline are used to build the forecast and predict, for example, if that trend is to continue. If extreme weather is occurring more frequently then it is feasible that the forecast might include the prediction that the frequency of these events will continue to be higher than the historic average.
It is not possible to predict long-term specific weather events such as the flooding last summer.
n
id_3762
Last years summer was noteworthy for being very wet and very windy and yet neither of these qualities featured in the meteorological services long-term forecast. We were advised that we could expect a typical summer with above- average temperatures and average or slightly above-average levels of rainfall. There was no mention whatsoever of the widespread flooding that occurred. This raises the question of whether the forecast was wrong and they in principle could have but did not forecast the exceptional weather or whether it is in principle impossible to forecast specific long-term exceptional events. Long-term forecasts are based on baseline averages over an extended period and trends in that baseline are used to build the forecast and predict, for example, if that trend is to continue. If extreme weather is occurring more frequently then it is feasible that the forecast might include the prediction that the frequency of these events will continue to be higher than the historic average.
The summer of 2007 was note worthy for being very wet and windy.
n
id_3763
Latest research shows that many financial analysts usually make inaccurate predictions about company profit. They are usually overly optimistic, although some analysts are typically pessimistic and substantially underestimate actual performance. Evidence shows that If analysts calculated the company's profit by using the national average profit growth of companies multiplied by the percentage of the company's revenue, a more accurate prediction may be provided. Your answer should be only based on the information given.
Most analysts can accurately predict the company's profit.
c
id_3764
Latest research shows that many financial analysts usually make inaccurate predictions about company profit. They are usually overly optimistic, although some analysts are typically pessimistic and substantially underestimate actual performance. Evidence shows that If analysts calculated the company's profit by using the national average profit growth of companies multiplied by the percentage of the company's revenue, a more accurate prediction may be provided. Your answer should be only based on the information given.
The accuracy of an analysts prediction is partly determined by their levels of optimism.
n
id_3765
Latest research shows that many financial analysts usually make inaccurate predictions about company profit. They are usually overly optimistic, although some analysts are typically pessimistic and substantially underestimate actual performance. Evidence shows that If analysts calculated the company's profit by using the national average profit growth of companies multiplied by the percentage of the company's revenue, a more accurate prediction may be provided. Your answer should be only based on the information given.
Many analysts can improve the accuracy of their predictions.
n
id_3766
Learn to Skydive Accelerated Freefall (AFF) is an intensive skydiving course and you can experience freefall on your very first jump. We offer the AFF Level 1 course as a unique introduction to the world of parachuting and skydiving. Its great as a one-off freefall experience. However, the full eight-level Accelerated Freefall course is the best way to learn to skydive and attain your licence as a qualified parachutist, which allows you to jump at skydiving centres across the world. The AFF Level 1 course begins with an intensive day of ground training. During the day, you will learn how your parachute equipment works and how to check and fit it, how to exit the aircraft, how to maintain the correct body position in the air, monitor your altitude and deploy your parachute and how to deal with emergencies. The day will finish with a written test. The training can be both mentally and physically tiring so you should stay overnight if you wish to do your first jump the next day. For safety reasons we require you to return and jump in less than a month after your training in order to complete the Level 1 course. When you come to do your jump you will receive refresher training before you board the aircraft. You will exit the aircraft with two AFF Level 1 instructors. They will provide in-air coaching as they fall alongside you, holding onto your harness. You will experience about one minute of freefall and deploy your own parachute, then fly and navigate for around five minutes before landing on the dropzone. Following this, you will meet your instructors to debrief the jump and collect your certificate. Shortly after you arrive home, you will receive an email link to the instructors footage of your skydive to post online. There are some restrictions for solo skydiving. The maximum acceptable weight is 95 kg fully clothed and a reasonable level of fitness is required. As far as age is concerned, the minimum is 16 and a parental signature of consent is required for students of 16-17 on three forms. Adults over 45 wishing to skydive must bring a completed Declaration of Fitness form signed and stamped by their doctor. Acceptance rests with the head instructor.
Students must do their first jump within a certain period.
e
id_3767
Learn to Skydive Accelerated Freefall (AFF) is an intensive skydiving course and you can experience freefall on your very first jump. We offer the AFF Level 1 course as a unique introduction to the world of parachuting and skydiving. Its great as a one-off freefall experience. However, the full eight-level Accelerated Freefall course is the best way to learn to skydive and attain your licence as a qualified parachutist, which allows you to jump at skydiving centres across the world. The AFF Level 1 course begins with an intensive day of ground training. During the day, you will learn how your parachute equipment works and how to check and fit it, how to exit the aircraft, how to maintain the correct body position in the air, monitor your altitude and deploy your parachute and how to deal with emergencies. The day will finish with a written test. The training can be both mentally and physically tiring so you should stay overnight if you wish to do your first jump the next day. For safety reasons we require you to return and jump in less than a month after your training in order to complete the Level 1 course. When you come to do your jump you will receive refresher training before you board the aircraft. You will exit the aircraft with two AFF Level 1 instructors. They will provide in-air coaching as they fall alongside you, holding onto your harness. You will experience about one minute of freefall and deploy your own parachute, then fly and navigate for around five minutes before landing on the dropzone. Following this, you will meet your instructors to debrief the jump and collect your certificate. Shortly after you arrive home, you will receive an email link to the instructors footage of your skydive to post online. There are some restrictions for solo skydiving. The maximum acceptable weight is 95 kg fully clothed and a reasonable level of fitness is required. As far as age is concerned, the minimum is 16 and a parental signature of consent is required for students of 16-17 on three forms. Adults over 45 wishing to skydive must bring a completed Declaration of Fitness form signed and stamped by their doctor. Acceptance rests with the head instructor.
The AFF Level 1 course takes more than one day to complete.
e
id_3768
Learn to Skydive Accelerated Freefall (AFF) is an intensive skydiving course and you can experience freefall on your very first jump. We offer the AFF Level 1 course as a unique introduction to the world of parachuting and skydiving. Its great as a one-off freefall experience. However, the full eight-level Accelerated Freefall course is the best way to learn to skydive and attain your licence as a qualified parachutist, which allows you to jump at skydiving centres across the world. The AFF Level 1 course begins with an intensive day of ground training. During the day, you will learn how your parachute equipment works and how to check and fit it, how to exit the aircraft, how to maintain the correct body position in the air, monitor your altitude and deploy your parachute and how to deal with emergencies. The day will finish with a written test. The training can be both mentally and physically tiring so you should stay overnight if you wish to do your first jump the next day. For safety reasons we require you to return and jump in less than a month after your training in order to complete the Level 1 course. When you come to do your jump you will receive refresher training before you board the aircraft. You will exit the aircraft with two AFF Level 1 instructors. They will provide in-air coaching as they fall alongside you, holding onto your harness. You will experience about one minute of freefall and deploy your own parachute, then fly and navigate for around five minutes before landing on the dropzone. Following this, you will meet your instructors to debrief the jump and collect your certificate. Shortly after you arrive home, you will receive an email link to the instructors footage of your skydive to post online. There are some restrictions for solo skydiving. The maximum acceptable weight is 95 kg fully clothed and a reasonable level of fitness is required. As far as age is concerned, the minimum is 16 and a parental signature of consent is required for students of 16-17 on three forms. Adults over 45 wishing to skydive must bring a completed Declaration of Fitness form signed and stamped by their doctor. Acceptance rests with the head instructor.
After doing the AFF Level 1 course, people can skydive in different countries.
c
id_3769
Learn to Skydive Accelerated Freefall (AFF) is an intensive skydiving course and you can experience freefall on your very first jump. We offer the AFF Level 1 course as a unique introduction to the world of parachuting and skydiving. Its great as a one-off freefall experience. However, the full eight-level Accelerated Freefall course is the best way to learn to skydive and attain your licence as a qualified parachutist, which allows you to jump at skydiving centres across the world. The AFF Level 1 course begins with an intensive day of ground training. During the day, you will learn how your parachute equipment works and how to check and fit it, how to exit the aircraft, how to maintain the correct body position in the air, monitor your altitude and deploy your parachute and how to deal with emergencies. The day will finish with a written test. The training can be both mentally and physically tiring so you should stay overnight if you wish to do your first jump the next day. For safety reasons we require you to return and jump in less than a month after your training in order to complete the Level 1 course. When you come to do your jump you will receive refresher training before you board the aircraft. You will exit the aircraft with two AFF Level 1 instructors. They will provide in-air coaching as they fall alongside you, holding onto your harness. You will experience about one minute of freefall and deploy your own parachute, then fly and navigate for around five minutes before landing on the dropzone. Following this, you will meet your instructors to debrief the jump and collect your certificate. Shortly after you arrive home, you will receive an email link to the instructors footage of your skydive to post online. There are some restrictions for solo skydiving. The maximum acceptable weight is 95 kg fully clothed and a reasonable level of fitness is required. As far as age is concerned, the minimum is 16 and a parental signature of consent is required for students of 16-17 on three forms. Adults over 45 wishing to skydive must bring a completed Declaration of Fitness form signed and stamped by their doctor. Acceptance rests with the head instructor.
Training continues after the student jumps out of the plane.
e
id_3770
Learn to Skydive Accelerated Freefall (AFF) is an intensive skydiving course and you can experience freefall on your very first jump. We offer the AFF Level 1 course as a unique introduction to the world of parachuting and skydiving. Its great as a one-off freefall experience. However, the full eight-level Accelerated Freefall course is the best way to learn to skydive and attain your licence as a qualified parachutist, which allows you to jump at skydiving centres across the world. The AFF Level 1 course begins with an intensive day of ground training. During the day, you will learn how your parachute equipment works and how to check and fit it, how to exit the aircraft, how to maintain the correct body position in the air, monitor your altitude and deploy your parachute and how to deal with emergencies. The day will finish with a written test. The training can be both mentally and physically tiring so you should stay overnight if you wish to do your first jump the next day. For safety reasons we require you to return and jump in less than a month after your training in order to complete the Level 1 course. When you come to do your jump you will receive refresher training before you board the aircraft. You will exit the aircraft with two AFF Level 1 instructors. They will provide in-air coaching as they fall alongside you, holding onto your harness. You will experience about one minute of freefall and deploy your own parachute, then fly and navigate for around five minutes before landing on the dropzone. Following this, you will meet your instructors to debrief the jump and collect your certificate. Shortly after you arrive home, you will receive an email link to the instructors footage of your skydive to post online. There are some restrictions for solo skydiving. The maximum acceptable weight is 95 kg fully clothed and a reasonable level of fitness is required. As far as age is concerned, the minimum is 16 and a parental signature of consent is required for students of 16-17 on three forms. Adults over 45 wishing to skydive must bring a completed Declaration of Fitness form signed and stamped by their doctor. Acceptance rests with the head instructor.
During a first jump, an instructor will open the students parachute.
c
id_3771
Learn to Skydive Accelerated Freefall (AFF) is an intensive skydiving course and you can experience freefall on your very first jump. We offer the AFF Level 1 course as a unique introduction to the world of parachuting and skydiving. Its great as a one-off freefall experience. However, the full eight-level Accelerated Freefall course is the best way to learn to skydive and attain your licence as a qualified parachutist, which allows you to jump at skydiving centres across the world. The AFF Level 1 course begins with an intensive day of ground training. During the day, you will learn how your parachute equipment works and how to check and fit it, how to exit the aircraft, how to maintain the correct body position in the air, monitor your altitude and deploy your parachute and how to deal with emergencies. The day will finish with a written test. The training can be both mentally and physically tiring so you should stay overnight if you wish to do your first jump the next day. For safety reasons we require you to return and jump in less than a month after your training in order to complete the Level 1 course. When you come to do your jump you will receive refresher training before you board the aircraft. You will exit the aircraft with two AFF Level 1 instructors. They will provide in-air coaching as they fall alongside you, holding onto your harness. You will experience about one minute of freefall and deploy your own parachute, then fly and navigate for around five minutes before landing on the dropzone. Following this, you will meet your instructors to debrief the jump and collect your certificate. Shortly after you arrive home, you will receive an email link to the instructors footage of your skydive to post online. There are some restrictions for solo skydiving. The maximum acceptable weight is 95 kg fully clothed and a reasonable level of fitness is required. As far as age is concerned, the minimum is 16 and a parental signature of consent is required for students of 16-17 on three forms. Adults over 45 wishing to skydive must bring a completed Declaration of Fitness form signed and stamped by their doctor. Acceptance rests with the head instructor.
Students will be divided into age groups when taking the course.
n
id_3772
Learn to Skydive Accelerated Freefall (AFF) is an intensive skydiving course and you can experience freefall on your very first jump. We offer the AFF Level 1 course as a unique introduction to the world of parachuting and skydiving. Its great as a one-off freefall experience. However, the full eight-level Accelerated Freefall course is the best way to learn to skydive and attain your licence as a qualified parachutist, which allows you to jump at skydiving centres across the world. The AFF Level 1 course begins with an intensive day of ground training. During the day, you will learn how your parachute equipment works and how to check and fit it, how to exit the aircraft, how to maintain the correct body position in the air, monitor your altitude and deploy your parachute and how to deal with emergencies. The day will finish with a written test. The training can be both mentally and physically tiring so you should stay overnight if you wish to do your first jump the next day. For safety reasons we require you to return and jump in less than a month after your training in order to complete the Level 1 course. When you come to do your jump you will receive refresher training before you board the aircraft. You will exit the aircraft with two AFF Level 1 instructors. They will provide in-air coaching as they fall alongside you, holding onto your harness. You will experience about one minute of freefall and deploy your own parachute, then fly and navigate for around five minutes before landing on the dropzone. Following this, you will meet your instructors to debrief the jump and collect your certificate. Shortly after you arrive home, you will receive an email link to the instructors footage of your skydive to post online. There are some restrictions for solo skydiving. The maximum acceptable weight is 95 kg fully clothed and a reasonable level of fitness is required. As far as age is concerned, the minimum is 16 and a parental signature of consent is required for students of 16-17 on three forms. Adults over 45 wishing to skydive must bring a completed Declaration of Fitness form signed and stamped by their doctor. Acceptance rests with the head instructor.
Instructors usually film the first jumps that the students make.
e
id_3773
LearnWithUs courses LearnWithUs courses are a great way to learn, because theyre so flexible. All our courses are taken online using a computer, so you can work through the course at your own speed, and go back to any session whenever you want to. For some courses there are workbooks, in addition to the computer course, to provide extra written practice. We offer hundreds of courses in a whole range of subjects from reading, writing and maths to business and management. Many of these are specially designed for people whose first language isnt English. Step one: have a chat with a friendly member of staff in one of our 1,500 LearnWithUs centres around the country. They can advise you on the most suitable course. Theyll also work out whether you qualify for funding, so that you wont have to pay the full fee for the course. You might want to try a taster lesson first. This is a single computer session in any subject of your choice, and it will show you what learning with LearnWithUs is like. When youve made your final decision, step two is to register on your course. Once youve done this, a staff member will show you how to get started, whether youre using a computer at home, at work or at a LearnWithUs centre. Thats all you need to do! When you start your course, you can contact your LearnWithUs centre by phone (were open during normal office hours) or email if you need help.
Everybody takes the same taster lesson.
c
id_3774
LearnWithUs courses LearnWithUs courses are a great way to learn, because theyre so flexible. All our courses are taken online using a computer, so you can work through the course at your own speed, and go back to any session whenever you want to. For some courses there are workbooks, in addition to the computer course, to provide extra written practice. We offer hundreds of courses in a whole range of subjects from reading, writing and maths to business and management. Many of these are specially designed for people whose first language isnt English. Step one: have a chat with a friendly member of staff in one of our 1,500 LearnWithUs centres around the country. They can advise you on the most suitable course. Theyll also work out whether you qualify for funding, so that you wont have to pay the full fee for the course. You might want to try a taster lesson first. This is a single computer session in any subject of your choice, and it will show you what learning with LearnWithUs is like. When youve made your final decision, step two is to register on your course. Once youve done this, a staff member will show you how to get started, whether youre using a computer at home, at work or at a LearnWithUs centre. Thats all you need to do! When you start your course, you can contact your LearnWithUs centre by phone (were open during normal office hours) or email if you need help.
You may have to pay to take a LearnWithUs course.
e
id_3775
LearnWithUs courses LearnWithUs courses are a great way to learn, because theyre so flexible. All our courses are taken online using a computer, so you can work through the course at your own speed, and go back to any session whenever you want to. For some courses there are workbooks, in addition to the computer course, to provide extra written practice. We offer hundreds of courses in a whole range of subjects from reading, writing and maths to business and management. Many of these are specially designed for people whose first language isnt English. Step one: have a chat with a friendly member of staff in one of our 1,500 LearnWithUs centres around the country. They can advise you on the most suitable course. Theyll also work out whether you qualify for funding, so that you wont have to pay the full fee for the course. You might want to try a taster lesson first. This is a single computer session in any subject of your choice, and it will show you what learning with LearnWithUs is like. When youve made your final decision, step two is to register on your course. Once youve done this, a staff member will show you how to get started, whether youre using a computer at home, at work or at a LearnWithUs centre. Thats all you need to do! When you start your course, you can contact your LearnWithUs centre by phone (were open during normal office hours) or email if you need help.
Many staff members have worked through a LearnWithUs course themselves.
n
id_3776
LearnWithUs courses LearnWithUs courses are a great way to learn, because theyre so flexible. All our courses are taken online using a computer, so you can work through the course at your own speed, and go back to any session whenever you want to. For some courses there are workbooks, in addition to the computer course, to provide extra written practice. We offer hundreds of courses in a whole range of subjects from reading, writing and maths to business and management. Many of these are specially designed for people whose first language isnt English. Step one: have a chat with a friendly member of staff in one of our 1,500 LearnWithUs centres around the country. They can advise you on the most suitable course. Theyll also work out whether you qualify for funding, so that you wont have to pay the full fee for the course. You might want to try a taster lesson first. This is a single computer session in any subject of your choice, and it will show you what learning with LearnWithUs is like. When youve made your final decision, step two is to register on your course. Once youve done this, a staff member will show you how to get started, whether youre using a computer at home, at work or at a LearnWithUs centre. Thats all you need to do! When you start your course, you can contact your LearnWithUs centre by phone (were open during normal office hours) or email if you need help.
LearnWithUs centres are open seven days a week.
c
id_3777
LearnWithUs courses LearnWithUs courses are a great way to learn, because theyre so flexible. All our courses are taken online using a computer, so you can work through the course at your own speed, and go back to any session whenever you want to. For some courses there are workbooks, in addition to the computer course, to provide extra written practice. We offer hundreds of courses in a whole range of subjects from reading, writing and maths to business and management. Many of these are specially designed for people whose first language isnt English. Step one: have a chat with a friendly member of staff in one of our 1,500 LearnWithUs centres around the country. They can advise you on the most suitable course. Theyll also work out whether you qualify for funding, so that you wont have to pay the full fee for the course. You might want to try a taster lesson first. This is a single computer session in any subject of your choice, and it will show you what learning with LearnWithUs is like. When youve made your final decision, step two is to register on your course. Once youve done this, a staff member will show you how to get started, whether youre using a computer at home, at work or at a LearnWithUs centre. Thats all you need to do! When you start your course, you can contact your LearnWithUs centre by phone (were open during normal office hours) or email if you need help.
The number of courses offered by LearnWithUs has increased enormously.
n
id_3778
LearnWithUs courses LearnWithUs courses are a great way to learn, because theyre so flexible. All our courses are taken online using a computer, so you can work through the course at your own speed, and go back to any session whenever you want to. For some courses there are workbooks, in addition to the computer course, to provide extra written practice. We offer hundreds of courses in a whole range of subjects from reading, writing and maths to business and management. Many of these are specially designed for people whose first language isnt English. Step one: have a chat with a friendly member of staff in one of our 1,500 LearnWithUs centres around the country. They can advise you on the most suitable course. Theyll also work out whether you qualify for funding, so that you wont have to pay the full fee for the course. You might want to try a taster lesson first. This is a single computer session in any subject of your choice, and it will show you what learning with LearnWithUs is like. When youve made your final decision, step two is to register on your course. Once youve done this, a staff member will show you how to get started, whether youre using a computer at home, at work or at a LearnWithUs centre. Thats all you need to do! When you start your course, you can contact your LearnWithUs centre by phone (were open during normal office hours) or email if you need help.
You can work through parts of a course more than once.
e
id_3779
Learning by Examples. Learning Theory is rooted in the work of Ivan Pavlov, the famous scientist who discovered and documented the principles governing how animals (humans included) learn in the 1900s. Two basic kinds of learning or conditioning occur, one of which is famously known as the classical conditioning. Classical conditioning happens when an animal learns to associate a neutral stimulus (signal) with a stimulus that has intrinsic meaning based on how closely in time the two stimuli are presented. The classic example of classical conditioning is a dogs ability to associate the sound of a bell (something that originally has no meaning to the dog) with the presentation of food (something that has a lot of meaning to the dog) a few moments later. Dogs are able to learn the association between bell and food, and will salivate immediately after hearing the bell once this connection has been made. Years of learning research have led to the creation of a highly precise learning theory that can be used to understand and predict how and under what circumstances most any animal will learn, including human beings, and eventually help people figure out how to change their behaviours. B Role models are a popular notion for guiding child development, but in recent years very interesting research has been done on learning by examples in other animals. If the subject of animal learning is taught very much in terms of classical or operant conditioning, it places too much emphasis on how we allow animals to learn and not enough on how they are equipped to learn. To teach a course of mine, I have been dipping profitably into a very interesting and accessible compilation of papers on social learning in mammals, including chimps and human children, edited by Heyes and Galef (1996). C The research reported in one paper started with a school field trip to Israel to a pine forest where many pine cones were discovered, stripped to the central core. So the investigation started with no weighty theoretical intent, but was directed at finding out what was eating the nutritious pine seeds and how they managed to get them out of the cones. The culprit proved to be the versatile and athletic black rat, (Rattus rattus), and the technique was to bite each cone scale off at its base, in sequence from base to tip following the spiral growth pattern of the cone. D Urban black rats were found to lack the skill and were unable to learn it even if housed with experienced cone strippers. However, infants of urban mothers cross-fostered by stripper mothers acquired the skill, whereas infants of stripper mothers fostered by an urban mother could not. Clearly the skill had to be learned from the mother. Further elegant experiments showed that naive adults could develop the skill if they were provided with cones from which the first complete spiral of scales had been removed; rather like our new photocopier which you can work out how to use once someone has shown you how to switch it on. In the case of rats, the youngsters take cones away from the mother when she is still feeding on them, allowing them to acquire the complete stripping skill. E A good example of adaptive bearing we might conclude, but lets see the economies. This was determined by measuring oxygen uptake of a rat stripping a cone in a metabolic chamber to calculate energetic cost and comparing it with the benefit of the pine seeds measured by calorimeter. The cost proved to be less than 10% of the energetic value of the cone. An acceptable profit margin. F A paper in 1996, Animal Behaviour by Bednekoff and Baida, provides a different view of the adaptiveness of social learning. It concerns the seed caching behaviour of Clarks Nutcracker (Nucifraga columbiana) and the Mexican Jay (Aphelocoma ultramarina). The former is a specialist, caching 30,000 or so seeds in scattered locations that it will recover over the months of winter; the Mexican Jay will also cache food but is much less dependent upon this than the Nutcracker. The two species also differ in their social structure: the Nutcracker being rather solitary while the Jay forages in social groups. G The experiment is to discover not just whether a bird can remember where it hid a seed but also if it can remember where it saw another bird hide a seed. The design is slightly comical with a cacher bird wandering about a room with lots of holes in the floor hiding food in some of the holes, while watched by an observer bird perched in a cage. Two days later, cachers and observers are tested for their discovery rate against an estimated random performance. In the role of cacher, not only the Nutcracker but also the less specialised Jay performed above chance; more surprisingly, however, jay observers were as successful as jay cachers whereas nutcracker observers did no better than chance. It seems that, whereas the Nutcracker is highly adapted at remembering where it hid its own seeds, the social living Mexican Jay is more adept at remembering, and so exploiting, the caches of others.
The pine cones were stripped from bottom to top by black rats.
e
id_3780
Learning by Examples. Learning Theory is rooted in the work of Ivan Pavlov, the famous scientist who discovered and documented the principles governing how animals (humans included) learn in the 1900s. Two basic kinds of learning or conditioning occur, one of which is famously known as the classical conditioning. Classical conditioning happens when an animal learns to associate a neutral stimulus (signal) with a stimulus that has intrinsic meaning based on how closely in time the two stimuli are presented. The classic example of classical conditioning is a dogs ability to associate the sound of a bell (something that originally has no meaning to the dog) with the presentation of food (something that has a lot of meaning to the dog) a few moments later. Dogs are able to learn the association between bell and food, and will salivate immediately after hearing the bell once this connection has been made. Years of learning research have led to the creation of a highly precise learning theory that can be used to understand and predict how and under what circumstances most any animal will learn, including human beings, and eventually help people figure out how to change their behaviours. B Role models are a popular notion for guiding child development, but in recent years very interesting research has been done on learning by examples in other animals. If the subject of animal learning is taught very much in terms of classical or operant conditioning, it places too much emphasis on how we allow animals to learn and not enough on how they are equipped to learn. To teach a course of mine, I have been dipping profitably into a very interesting and accessible compilation of papers on social learning in mammals, including chimps and human children, edited by Heyes and Galef (1996). C The research reported in one paper started with a school field trip to Israel to a pine forest where many pine cones were discovered, stripped to the central core. So the investigation started with no weighty theoretical intent, but was directed at finding out what was eating the nutritious pine seeds and how they managed to get them out of the cones. The culprit proved to be the versatile and athletic black rat, (Rattus rattus), and the technique was to bite each cone scale off at its base, in sequence from base to tip following the spiral growth pattern of the cone. D Urban black rats were found to lack the skill and were unable to learn it even if housed with experienced cone strippers. However, infants of urban mothers cross-fostered by stripper mothers acquired the skill, whereas infants of stripper mothers fostered by an urban mother could not. Clearly the skill had to be learned from the mother. Further elegant experiments showed that naive adults could develop the skill if they were provided with cones from which the first complete spiral of scales had been removed; rather like our new photocopier which you can work out how to use once someone has shown you how to switch it on. In the case of rats, the youngsters take cones away from the mother when she is still feeding on them, allowing them to acquire the complete stripping skill. E A good example of adaptive bearing we might conclude, but lets see the economies. This was determined by measuring oxygen uptake of a rat stripping a cone in a metabolic chamber to calculate energetic cost and comparing it with the benefit of the pine seeds measured by calorimeter. The cost proved to be less than 10% of the energetic value of the cone. An acceptable profit margin. F A paper in 1996, Animal Behaviour by Bednekoff and Baida, provides a different view of the adaptiveness of social learning. It concerns the seed caching behaviour of Clarks Nutcracker (Nucifraga columbiana) and the Mexican Jay (Aphelocoma ultramarina). The former is a specialist, caching 30,000 or so seeds in scattered locations that it will recover over the months of winter; the Mexican Jay will also cache food but is much less dependent upon this than the Nutcracker. The two species also differ in their social structure: the Nutcracker being rather solitary while the Jay forages in social groups. G The experiment is to discover not just whether a bird can remember where it hid a seed but also if it can remember where it saw another bird hide a seed. The design is slightly comical with a cacher bird wandering about a room with lots of holes in the floor hiding food in some of the holes, while watched by an observer bird perched in a cage. Two days later, cachers and observers are tested for their discovery rate against an estimated random performance. In the role of cacher, not only the Nutcracker but also the less specialised Jay performed above chance; more surprisingly, however, jay observers were as successful as jay cachers whereas nutcracker observers did no better than chance. It seems that, whereas the Nutcracker is highly adapted at remembering where it hid its own seeds, the social living Mexican Jay is more adept at remembering, and so exploiting, the caches of others.
It can be learned from other relevant experiences to use a photocopier.
n
id_3781
Learning by Examples. Learning Theory is rooted in the work of Ivan Pavlov, the famous scientist who discovered and documented the principles governing how animals (humans included) learn in the 1900s. Two basic kinds of learning or conditioning occur, one of which is famously known as the classical conditioning. Classical conditioning happens when an animal learns to associate a neutral stimulus (signal) with a stimulus that has intrinsic meaning based on how closely in time the two stimuli are presented. The classic example of classical conditioning is a dogs ability to associate the sound of a bell (something that originally has no meaning to the dog) with the presentation of food (something that has a lot of meaning to the dog) a few moments later. Dogs are able to learn the association between bell and food, and will salivate immediately after hearing the bell once this connection has been made. Years of learning research have led to the creation of a highly precise learning theory that can be used to understand and predict how and under what circumstances most any animal will learn, including human beings, and eventually help people figure out how to change their behaviours. B Role models are a popular notion for guiding child development, but in recent years very interesting research has been done on learning by examples in other animals. If the subject of animal learning is taught very much in terms of classical or operant conditioning, it places too much emphasis on how we allow animals to learn and not enough on how they are equipped to learn. To teach a course of mine, I have been dipping profitably into a very interesting and accessible compilation of papers on social learning in mammals, including chimps and human children, edited by Heyes and Galef (1996). C The research reported in one paper started with a school field trip to Israel to a pine forest where many pine cones were discovered, stripped to the central core. So the investigation started with no weighty theoretical intent, but was directed at finding out what was eating the nutritious pine seeds and how they managed to get them out of the cones. The culprit proved to be the versatile and athletic black rat, (Rattus rattus), and the technique was to bite each cone scale off at its base, in sequence from base to tip following the spiral growth pattern of the cone. D Urban black rats were found to lack the skill and were unable to learn it even if housed with experienced cone strippers. However, infants of urban mothers cross-fostered by stripper mothers acquired the skill, whereas infants of stripper mothers fostered by an urban mother could not. Clearly the skill had to be learned from the mother. Further elegant experiments showed that naive adults could develop the skill if they were provided with cones from which the first complete spiral of scales had been removed; rather like our new photocopier which you can work out how to use once someone has shown you how to switch it on. In the case of rats, the youngsters take cones away from the mother when she is still feeding on them, allowing them to acquire the complete stripping skill. E A good example of adaptive bearing we might conclude, but lets see the economies. This was determined by measuring oxygen uptake of a rat stripping a cone in a metabolic chamber to calculate energetic cost and comparing it with the benefit of the pine seeds measured by calorimeter. The cost proved to be less than 10% of the energetic value of the cone. An acceptable profit margin. F A paper in 1996, Animal Behaviour by Bednekoff and Baida, provides a different view of the adaptiveness of social learning. It concerns the seed caching behaviour of Clarks Nutcracker (Nucifraga columbiana) and the Mexican Jay (Aphelocoma ultramarina). The former is a specialist, caching 30,000 or so seeds in scattered locations that it will recover over the months of winter; the Mexican Jay will also cache food but is much less dependent upon this than the Nutcracker. The two species also differ in their social structure: the Nutcracker being rather solitary while the Jay forages in social groups. G The experiment is to discover not just whether a bird can remember where it hid a seed but also if it can remember where it saw another bird hide a seed. The design is slightly comical with a cacher bird wandering about a room with lots of holes in the floor hiding food in some of the holes, while watched by an observer bird perched in a cage. Two days later, cachers and observers are tested for their discovery rate against an estimated random performance. In the role of cacher, not only the Nutcracker but also the less specialised Jay performed above chance; more surprisingly, however, jay observers were as successful as jay cachers whereas nutcracker observers did no better than chance. It seems that, whereas the Nutcracker is highly adapted at remembering where it hid its own seeds, the social living Mexican Jay is more adept at remembering, and so exploiting, the caches of others.
Stripping the pine cones is an instinct of the black rats.
c
id_3782
Learning by Examples. Learning Theory is rooted in the work of Ivan Pavlov, the famous scientist who discovered and documented the principles governing how animals (humans included) learn in the 1900s. Two basic kinds of learning or conditioning occur, one of which is famously known as the classical conditioning. Classical conditioning happens when an animal learns to associate a neutral stimulus (signal) with a stimulus that has intrinsic meaning based on how closely in time the two stimuli are presented. The classic example of classical conditioning is a dogs ability to associate the sound of a bell (something that originally has no meaning to the dog) with the presentation of food (something that has a lot of meaning to the dog) a few moments later. Dogs are able to learn the association between bell and food, and will salivate immediately after hearing the bell once this connection has been made. Years of learning research have led to the creation of a highly precise learning theory that can be used to understand and predict how and under what circumstances most any animal will learn, including human beings, and eventually help people figure out how to change their behaviours. B Role models are a popular notion for guiding child development, but in recent years very interesting research has been done on learning by examples in other animals. If the subject of animal learning is taught very much in terms of classical or operant conditioning, it places too much emphasis on how we allow animals to learn and not enough on how they are equipped to learn. To teach a course of mine, I have been dipping profitably into a very interesting and accessible compilation of papers on social learning in mammals, including chimps and human children, edited by Heyes and Galef (1996). C The research reported in one paper started with a school field trip to Israel to a pine forest where many pine cones were discovered, stripped to the central core. So the investigation started with no weighty theoretical intent, but was directed at finding out what was eating the nutritious pine seeds and how they managed to get them out of the cones. The culprit proved to be the versatile and athletic black rat, (Rattus rattus), and the technique was to bite each cone scale off at its base, in sequence from base to tip following the spiral growth pattern of the cone. D Urban black rats were found to lack the skill and were unable to learn it even if housed with experienced cone strippers. However, infants of urban mothers cross-fostered by stripper mothers acquired the skill, whereas infants of stripper mothers fostered by an urban mother could not. Clearly the skill had to be learned from the mother. Further elegant experiments showed that naive adults could develop the skill if they were provided with cones from which the first complete spiral of scales had been removed; rather like our new photocopier which you can work out how to use once someone has shown you how to switch it on. In the case of rats, the youngsters take cones away from the mother when she is still feeding on them, allowing them to acquire the complete stripping skill. E A good example of adaptive bearing we might conclude, but lets see the economies. This was determined by measuring oxygen uptake of a rat stripping a cone in a metabolic chamber to calculate energetic cost and comparing it with the benefit of the pine seeds measured by calorimeter. The cost proved to be less than 10% of the energetic value of the cone. An acceptable profit margin. F A paper in 1996, Animal Behaviour by Bednekoff and Baida, provides a different view of the adaptiveness of social learning. It concerns the seed caching behaviour of Clarks Nutcracker (Nucifraga columbiana) and the Mexican Jay (Aphelocoma ultramarina). The former is a specialist, caching 30,000 or so seeds in scattered locations that it will recover over the months of winter; the Mexican Jay will also cache food but is much less dependent upon this than the Nutcracker. The two species also differ in their social structure: the Nutcracker being rather solitary while the Jay forages in social groups. G The experiment is to discover not just whether a bird can remember where it hid a seed but also if it can remember where it saw another bird hide a seed. The design is slightly comical with a cacher bird wandering about a room with lots of holes in the floor hiding food in some of the holes, while watched by an observer bird perched in a cage. Two days later, cachers and observers are tested for their discovery rate against an estimated random performance. In the role of cacher, not only the Nutcracker but also the less specialised Jay performed above chance; more surprisingly, however, jay observers were as successful as jay cachers whereas nutcracker observers did no better than chance. It seems that, whereas the Nutcracker is highly adapted at remembering where it hid its own seeds, the social living Mexican Jay is more adept at remembering, and so exploiting, the caches of others.
The field trip to Israel was to investigate how black rats learn to strip pine cones.
c
id_3783
Learning lessons from the past Many past societies collapsed or vanished, leaving behind monumental ruins such as those that the poet Shelley imagined in his sonnet, Ozymandias. By collapse, I mean a drastic decrease in human population size and/or political/economic/social complexity, over a considerable area, for an extended time. By those standards, most people would consider the following past societies to have been famous victims of full-fledged collapses rather than of just minor declines: the Anasazi and Cahokia within the boundaries of the modern US, the Maya cities in Central America, Moche and Tiwanaku societies in South America, Norse Greenland, Mycenean Greece and Minoan Crete in Europe, Great Zimbabwe in Africa, Angkor Wat and the Harappan Indus Valley cities in Asia, and Easter Island in the Pacific Ocean. The monumental ruins left behind by those past societies hold a fascination for all of us. We marvel at them when as children we first learn of them through pictures. When we grow up, many of us plan vacations in order to experience them at first hand. We feel drawn to their often spectacular and haunting beauty, and also to the mysteries that they pose. The scales of the ruins testify to the former wealth and power of their builders. Yet these builders vanished, abandoning the great structures that they had created at such effort. How could a society that was once so mighty end up collapsing? It has long been suspected that many of those mysterious abandonments were at least partly triggered by ecological problems: people inadvertently destroying the environmental resources on which their societies depended. This suspicion of unintended ecological suicide (ecocide) has been confirmed by discoveries made in recent decades by archaeologists, climatologists, historians, paleontologists, and palynologists (pollen scientists). The processes through which past societies have undermined themselves by damaging their environments fall into eight categories, whose relative importance differs from case to case: deforestation and habitat destruction, soil problems, water management problems, overhunting, overfishing, effects of introduced species on native species, human population growth, and increased impact of people. Those past collapses tended to follow somewhat similar courses constituting variations on a theme. Writers find it tempting to draw analogies between the course of human societies and the course of individual human lives to talk of a societys birth, growth, peak, old age and eventual death. But that metaphor proves erroneous for many past societies: they declined rapidly after reaching peak numbers and power, and those rapid declines must have come as a surprise and shock to their citizens. Obviously, too, this trajectory is not one that all past societies followed unvaryingly to completion: different societies collapsed to different degrees and in somewhat different ways, while many societies did not collapse at all. Today many people feel that environmental problems overshadow all the other threats to global civilisation. These environmental problems include the same eight that undermined past societies, plus four new ones: human-caused climate change, build up of toxic chemicals in the environment, energy shortages, and full human utilisation of the Earths photosynthetic capacity. But the seriousness of these current environmental problems is vigorously debated. Are the risks greatly exaggerated, or conversely are they underestimated? Will modern technology solve our problems, or is it creating new problems faster than it solves old ones? When we deplete one resource (e. g. wood, oil, or ocean fish), can we count on being able to substitute some new resource (e. g. plastics, wind and solar energy, or farmed fish)? Isnt the rate of human population growth declining, such that were already on course for the worlds population to level off at some manageable number of people? Questions like this illustrate why those famous collapses of past civilisations have taken on more meaning than just that of a romantic mystery. Perhaps there are some practical lessons that we could learn from all those past collapses. But there are also differences between the modern world and its problems, and those past societies and their problems. We shouldnt be so naive as to think that study of the past will yield simple solutions, directly transferable to our societies today. We differ from past societies in some respects that put us at lower risk than them; some of those respects often mentioned include our powerful technology (i. e. its beneficial effects), globalisation, modern medicine, and greater knowledge of past societies and of distant modern societies. We also differ from past societies in some respects that put us at greater risk than them: again, our potent technology (i. e. , its unintended destructive effects), globalisation (such that now a problem in one part of the world affects all the rest), the dependence of millions of us on modern medicine for our survival, and our much larger human population. Perhaps we can still learn from the past, but only if we think carefully about its lessons.
We should be careful when drawing comparisons between past and present.
e
id_3784
Learning lessons from the past Many past societies collapsed or vanished, leaving behind monumental ruins such as those that the poet Shelley imagined in his sonnet, Ozymandias. By collapse, I mean a drastic decrease in human population size and/or political/economic/social complexity, over a considerable area, for an extended time. By those standards, most people would consider the following past societies to have been famous victims of full-fledged collapses rather than of just minor declines: the Anasazi and Cahokia within the boundaries of the modern US, the Maya cities in Central America, Moche and Tiwanaku societies in South America, Norse Greenland, Mycenean Greece and Minoan Crete in Europe, Great Zimbabwe in Africa, Angkor Wat and the Harappan Indus Valley cities in Asia, and Easter Island in the Pacific Ocean. The monumental ruins left behind by those past societies hold a fascination for all of us. We marvel at them when as children we first learn of them through pictures. When we grow up, many of us plan vacations in order to experience them at first hand. We feel drawn to their often spectacular and haunting beauty, and also to the mysteries that they pose. The scales of the ruins testify to the former wealth and power of their builders. Yet these builders vanished, abandoning the great structures that they had created at such effort. How could a society that was once so mighty end up collapsing? It has long been suspected that many of those mysterious abandonments were at least partly triggered by ecological problems: people inadvertently destroying the environmental resources on which their societies depended. This suspicion of unintended ecological suicide (ecocide) has been confirmed by discoveries made in recent decades by archaeologists, climatologists, historians, paleontologists, and palynologists (pollen scientists). The processes through which past societies have undermined themselves by damaging their environments fall into eight categories, whose relative importance differs from case to case: deforestation and habitat destruction, soil problems, water management problems, overhunting, overfishing, effects of introduced species on native species, human population growth, and increased impact of people. Those past collapses tended to follow somewhat similar courses constituting variations on a theme. Writers find it tempting to draw analogies between the course of human societies and the course of individual human lives to talk of a societys birth, growth, peak, old age and eventual death. But that metaphor proves erroneous for many past societies: they declined rapidly after reaching peak numbers and power, and those rapid declines must have come as a surprise and shock to their citizens. Obviously, too, this trajectory is not one that all past societies followed unvaryingly to completion: different societies collapsed to different degrees and in somewhat different ways, while many societies did not collapse at all. Today many people feel that environmental problems overshadow all the other threats to global civilisation. These environmental problems include the same eight that undermined past societies, plus four new ones: human-caused climate change, build up of toxic chemicals in the environment, energy shortages, and full human utilisation of the Earths photosynthetic capacity. But the seriousness of these current environmental problems is vigorously debated. Are the risks greatly exaggerated, or conversely are they underestimated? Will modern technology solve our problems, or is it creating new problems faster than it solves old ones? When we deplete one resource (e. g. wood, oil, or ocean fish), can we count on being able to substitute some new resource (e. g. plastics, wind and solar energy, or farmed fish)? Isnt the rate of human population growth declining, such that were already on course for the worlds population to level off at some manageable number of people? Questions like this illustrate why those famous collapses of past civilisations have taken on more meaning than just that of a romantic mystery. Perhaps there are some practical lessons that we could learn from all those past collapses. But there are also differences between the modern world and its problems, and those past societies and their problems. We shouldnt be so naive as to think that study of the past will yield simple solutions, directly transferable to our societies today. We differ from past societies in some respects that put us at lower risk than them; some of those respects often mentioned include our powerful technology (i. e. its beneficial effects), globalisation, modern medicine, and greater knowledge of past societies and of distant modern societies. We also differ from past societies in some respects that put us at greater risk than them: again, our potent technology (i. e. , its unintended destructive effects), globalisation (such that now a problem in one part of the world affects all the rest), the dependence of millions of us on modern medicine for our survival, and our much larger human population. Perhaps we can still learn from the past, but only if we think carefully about its lessons.
There is general agreement that the threats posed by environmental problems are very serious.
c
id_3785
Learning lessons from the past Many past societies collapsed or vanished, leaving behind monumental ruins such as those that the poet Shelley imagined in his sonnet, Ozymandias. By collapse, I mean a drastic decrease in human population size and/or political/economic/social complexity, over a considerable area, for an extended time. By those standards, most people would consider the following past societies to have been famous victims of full-fledged collapses rather than of just minor declines: the Anasazi and Cahokia within the boundaries of the modern US, the Maya cities in Central America, Moche and Tiwanaku societies in South America, Norse Greenland, Mycenean Greece and Minoan Crete in Europe, Great Zimbabwe in Africa, Angkor Wat and the Harappan Indus Valley cities in Asia, and Easter Island in the Pacific Ocean. The monumental ruins left behind by those past societies hold a fascination for all of us. We marvel at them when as children we first learn of them through pictures. When we grow up, many of us plan vacations in order to experience them at first hand. We feel drawn to their often spectacular and haunting beauty, and also to the mysteries that they pose. The scales of the ruins testify to the former wealth and power of their builders. Yet these builders vanished, abandoning the great structures that they had created at such effort. How could a society that was once so mighty end up collapsing? It has long been suspected that many of those mysterious abandonments were at least partly triggered by ecological problems: people inadvertently destroying the environmental resources on which their societies depended. This suspicion of unintended ecological suicide (ecocide) has been confirmed by discoveries made in recent decades by archaeologists, climatologists, historians, paleontologists, and palynologists (pollen scientists). The processes through which past societies have undermined themselves by damaging their environments fall into eight categories, whose relative importance differs from case to case: deforestation and habitat destruction, soil problems, water management problems, overhunting, overfishing, effects of introduced species on native species, human population growth, and increased impact of people. Those past collapses tended to follow somewhat similar courses constituting variations on a theme. Writers find it tempting to draw analogies between the course of human societies and the course of individual human lives to talk of a societys birth, growth, peak, old age and eventual death. But that metaphor proves erroneous for many past societies: they declined rapidly after reaching peak numbers and power, and those rapid declines must have come as a surprise and shock to their citizens. Obviously, too, this trajectory is not one that all past societies followed unvaryingly to completion: different societies collapsed to different degrees and in somewhat different ways, while many societies did not collapse at all. Today many people feel that environmental problems overshadow all the other threats to global civilisation. These environmental problems include the same eight that undermined past societies, plus four new ones: human-caused climate change, build up of toxic chemicals in the environment, energy shortages, and full human utilisation of the Earths photosynthetic capacity. But the seriousness of these current environmental problems is vigorously debated. Are the risks greatly exaggerated, or conversely are they underestimated? Will modern technology solve our problems, or is it creating new problems faster than it solves old ones? When we deplete one resource (e. g. wood, oil, or ocean fish), can we count on being able to substitute some new resource (e. g. plastics, wind and solar energy, or farmed fish)? Isnt the rate of human population growth declining, such that were already on course for the worlds population to level off at some manageable number of people? Questions like this illustrate why those famous collapses of past civilisations have taken on more meaning than just that of a romantic mystery. Perhaps there are some practical lessons that we could learn from all those past collapses. But there are also differences between the modern world and its problems, and those past societies and their problems. We shouldnt be so naive as to think that study of the past will yield simple solutions, directly transferable to our societies today. We differ from past societies in some respects that put us at lower risk than them; some of those respects often mentioned include our powerful technology (i. e. its beneficial effects), globalisation, modern medicine, and greater knowledge of past societies and of distant modern societies. We also differ from past societies in some respects that put us at greater risk than them: again, our potent technology (i. e. , its unintended destructive effects), globalisation (such that now a problem in one part of the world affects all the rest), the dependence of millions of us on modern medicine for our survival, and our much larger human population. Perhaps we can still learn from the past, but only if we think carefully about its lessons.
The accumulation of poisonous substances is a relatively modern problem.
e
id_3786
Learning lessons from the past Many past societies collapsed or vanished, leaving behind monumental ruins such as those that the poet Shelley imagined in his sonnet, Ozymandias. By collapse, I mean a drastic decrease in human population size and/or political/economic/social complexity, over a considerable area, for an extended time. By those standards, most people would consider the following past societies to have been famous victims of full-fledged collapses rather than of just minor declines: the Anasazi and Cahokia within the boundaries of the modern US, the Maya cities in Central America, Moche and Tiwanaku societies in South America, Norse Greenland, Mycenean Greece and Minoan Crete in Europe, Great Zimbabwe in Africa, Angkor Wat and the Harappan Indus Valley cities in Asia, and Easter Island in the Pacific Ocean. The monumental ruins left behind by those past societies hold a fascination for all of us. We marvel at them when as children we first learn of them through pictures. When we grow up, many of us plan vacations in order to experience them at first hand. We feel drawn to their often spectacular and haunting beauty, and also to the mysteries that they pose. The scales of the ruins testify to the former wealth and power of their builders. Yet these builders vanished, abandoning the great structures that they had created at such effort. How could a society that was once so mighty end up collapsing? It has long been suspected that many of those mysterious abandonments were at least partly triggered by ecological problems: people inadvertently destroying the environmental resources on which their societies depended. This suspicion of unintended ecological suicide (ecocide) has been confirmed by discoveries made in recent decades by archaeologists, climatologists, historians, paleontologists, and palynologists (pollen scientists). The processes through which past societies have undermined themselves by damaging their environments fall into eight categories, whose relative importance differs from case to case: deforestation and habitat destruction, soil problems, water management problems, overhunting, overfishing, effects of introduced species on native species, human population growth, and increased impact of people. Those past collapses tended to follow somewhat similar courses constituting variations on a theme. Writers find it tempting to draw analogies between the course of human societies and the course of individual human lives to talk of a societys birth, growth, peak, old age and eventual death. But that metaphor proves erroneous for many past societies: they declined rapidly after reaching peak numbers and power, and those rapid declines must have come as a surprise and shock to their citizens. Obviously, too, this trajectory is not one that all past societies followed unvaryingly to completion: different societies collapsed to different degrees and in somewhat different ways, while many societies did not collapse at all. Today many people feel that environmental problems overshadow all the other threats to global civilisation. These environmental problems include the same eight that undermined past societies, plus four new ones: human-caused climate change, build up of toxic chemicals in the environment, energy shortages, and full human utilisation of the Earths photosynthetic capacity. But the seriousness of these current environmental problems is vigorously debated. Are the risks greatly exaggerated, or conversely are they underestimated? Will modern technology solve our problems, or is it creating new problems faster than it solves old ones? When we deplete one resource (e. g. wood, oil, or ocean fish), can we count on being able to substitute some new resource (e. g. plastics, wind and solar energy, or farmed fish)? Isnt the rate of human population growth declining, such that were already on course for the worlds population to level off at some manageable number of people? Questions like this illustrate why those famous collapses of past civilisations have taken on more meaning than just that of a romantic mystery. Perhaps there are some practical lessons that we could learn from all those past collapses. But there are also differences between the modern world and its problems, and those past societies and their problems. We shouldnt be so naive as to think that study of the past will yield simple solutions, directly transferable to our societies today. We differ from past societies in some respects that put us at lower risk than them; some of those respects often mentioned include our powerful technology (i. e. its beneficial effects), globalisation, modern medicine, and greater knowledge of past societies and of distant modern societies. We also differ from past societies in some respects that put us at greater risk than them: again, our potent technology (i. e. , its unintended destructive effects), globalisation (such that now a problem in one part of the world affects all the rest), the dependence of millions of us on modern medicine for our survival, and our much larger human population. Perhaps we can still learn from the past, but only if we think carefully about its lessons.
It is widely believed that environmental problems represent the main danger faced by the modern world.
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id_3787
Learning lessons from the past Many past societies collapsed or vanished, leaving behind monumental ruins such as those that the poet Shelley imagined in his sonnet, Ozymandias. By collapse, I mean a drastic decrease in human population size and/or political/economic/social complexity, over a considerable area, for an extended time. By those standards, most people would consider the following past societies to have been famous victims of full-fledged collapses rather than of just minor declines: the Anasazi and Cahokia within the boundaries of the modern US, the Maya cities in Central America, Moche and Tiwanaku societies in South America, Norse Greenland, Mycenean Greece and Minoan Crete in Europe, Great Zimbabwe in Africa, Angkor Wat and the Harappan Indus Valley cities in Asia, and Easter Island in the Pacific Ocean. The monumental ruins left behind by those past societies hold a fascination for all of us. We marvel at them when as children we first learn of them through pictures. When we grow up, many of us plan vacations in order to experience them at first hand. We feel drawn to their often spectacular and haunting beauty, and also to the mysteries that they pose. The scales of the ruins testify to the former wealth and power of their builders. Yet these builders vanished, abandoning the great structures that they had created at such effort. How could a society that was once so mighty end up collapsing? It has long been suspected that many of those mysterious abandonments were at least partly triggered by ecological problems: people inadvertently destroying the environmental resources on which their societies depended. This suspicion of unintended ecological suicide (ecocide) has been confirmed by discoveries made in recent decades by archaeologists, climatologists, historians, paleontologists, and palynologists (pollen scientists). The processes through which past societies have undermined themselves by damaging their environments fall into eight categories, whose relative importance differs from case to case: deforestation and habitat destruction, soil problems, water management problems, overhunting, overfishing, effects of introduced species on native species, human population growth, and increased impact of people. Those past collapses tended to follow somewhat similar courses constituting variations on a theme. Writers find it tempting to draw analogies between the course of human societies and the course of individual human lives to talk of a societys birth, growth, peak, old age and eventual death. But that metaphor proves erroneous for many past societies: they declined rapidly after reaching peak numbers and power, and those rapid declines must have come as a surprise and shock to their citizens. Obviously, too, this trajectory is not one that all past societies followed unvaryingly to completion: different societies collapsed to different degrees and in somewhat different ways, while many societies did not collapse at all. Today many people feel that environmental problems overshadow all the other threats to global civilisation. These environmental problems include the same eight that undermined past societies, plus four new ones: human-caused climate change, build up of toxic chemicals in the environment, energy shortages, and full human utilisation of the Earths photosynthetic capacity. But the seriousness of these current environmental problems is vigorously debated. Are the risks greatly exaggerated, or conversely are they underestimated? Will modern technology solve our problems, or is it creating new problems faster than it solves old ones? When we deplete one resource (e. g. wood, oil, or ocean fish), can we count on being able to substitute some new resource (e. g. plastics, wind and solar energy, or farmed fish)? Isnt the rate of human population growth declining, such that were already on course for the worlds population to level off at some manageable number of people? Questions like this illustrate why those famous collapses of past civilisations have taken on more meaning than just that of a romantic mystery. Perhaps there are some practical lessons that we could learn from all those past collapses. But there are also differences between the modern world and its problems, and those past societies and their problems. We shouldnt be so naive as to think that study of the past will yield simple solutions, directly transferable to our societies today. We differ from past societies in some respects that put us at lower risk than them; some of those respects often mentioned include our powerful technology (i. e. its beneficial effects), globalisation, modern medicine, and greater knowledge of past societies and of distant modern societies. We also differ from past societies in some respects that put us at greater risk than them: again, our potent technology (i. e. , its unintended destructive effects), globalisation (such that now a problem in one part of the world affects all the rest), the dependence of millions of us on modern medicine for our survival, and our much larger human population. Perhaps we can still learn from the past, but only if we think carefully about its lessons.
Some past societies resembled present-day societies more closely than others.
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id_3788
Leisure Time Trends Forget about city breaks or whizzing off for a long weekend in the sun. Learning, it seems, is the new travel and everyone is racing back to school to crack a new skill. No longer is it considered enough to come home with a winter tan or memories of great restaurant meals, you need to be able to make your own bread or fillet your own fish. Pottering around craft galleries wont wash - the smart new souvenirs are your very own handcrafted pots, willow garden ornaments or stained glass lampshades. Some of the motivation comes from the recession. With money tight and jobs insecure, our weekends need to feel worthwhile, industrious and focused. Theres been a huge resurgence of interest in home crafts, cookery and gardening as we find pleasure in growing and making our own. Theres never been a better time to be a domestic goddess or a garden god (or vice versa). With the environment also on peoples minds, courses that can turn us into good lifers (yes, even with a small back garden) are hugely popular. Learn the basics of keeping hens, bees, even pigs. Start your own allotment; build a wood-burning stove; make your own biodiesel - in fact, why not go the whole hog and build your own straw-bale house? A weekend is the perfect amount of time for a course. Its not too large a commitment of time or cash and not too embarrassing or gruesome if you discover, very swiftly, that your dream of being the next Cath Kidston or Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall is pie in the sky. Some courses run from Friday to Sunday, while others last for just a day and many give the impetus to try out a new hobby or skill. Some Carron York who, along with husband Tony, runs pig-keeping courses in Wiltshire, says that lots of people are now keeping pigs, not just as a hobby, but as an extra source of income. One woman keeps rare-breed pigs to help put her daughters through school, she says. Others just come along and fall in love. Above all, weekend courses are great fun. They provide the opportunity to meet like-minded people and are often held in stunning or unusual locations. Some are residential (from country-house hotels to DIY camping in a muddy field); others will require you to make your own accommodation arrangements. Not all these courses are run regularly, so check the websites to find the next date. Some will put on extra weekends if there is enough interest, so ask if a suitable date isnt available. Many only take small groups and book up quickly, so dont delay. The following weekends offer something for everyone. Weve tracked down 50 courses throughout the UK, catering for a wide variety of ages and interests. Happy learning!
All the courses include somewhere to stay for the duration of the course.
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id_3789
Leisure Time Trends Forget about city breaks or whizzing off for a long weekend in the sun. Learning, it seems, is the new travel and everyone is racing back to school to crack a new skill. No longer is it considered enough to come home with a winter tan or memories of great restaurant meals, you need to be able to make your own bread or fillet your own fish. Pottering around craft galleries wont wash - the smart new souvenirs are your very own handcrafted pots, willow garden ornaments or stained glass lampshades. Some of the motivation comes from the recession. With money tight and jobs insecure, our weekends need to feel worthwhile, industrious and focused. Theres been a huge resurgence of interest in home crafts, cookery and gardening as we find pleasure in growing and making our own. Theres never been a better time to be a domestic goddess or a garden god (or vice versa). With the environment also on peoples minds, courses that can turn us into good lifers (yes, even with a small back garden) are hugely popular. Learn the basics of keeping hens, bees, even pigs. Start your own allotment; build a wood-burning stove; make your own biodiesel - in fact, why not go the whole hog and build your own straw-bale house? A weekend is the perfect amount of time for a course. Its not too large a commitment of time or cash and not too embarrassing or gruesome if you discover, very swiftly, that your dream of being the next Cath Kidston or Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall is pie in the sky. Some courses run from Friday to Sunday, while others last for just a day and many give the impetus to try out a new hobby or skill. Some Carron York who, along with husband Tony, runs pig-keeping courses in Wiltshire, says that lots of people are now keeping pigs, not just as a hobby, but as an extra source of income. One woman keeps rare-breed pigs to help put her daughters through school, she says. Others just come along and fall in love. Above all, weekend courses are great fun. They provide the opportunity to meet like-minded people and are often held in stunning or unusual locations. Some are residential (from country-house hotels to DIY camping in a muddy field); others will require you to make your own accommodation arrangements. Not all these courses are run regularly, so check the websites to find the next date. Some will put on extra weekends if there is enough interest, so ask if a suitable date isnt available. Many only take small groups and book up quickly, so dont delay. The following weekends offer something for everyone. Weve tracked down 50 courses throughout the UK, catering for a wide variety of ages and interests. Happy learning!
The courses are also great social activities.
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id_3790
Leisure Time Trends Forget about city breaks or whizzing off for a long weekend in the sun. Learning, it seems, is the new travel and everyone is racing back to school to crack a new skill. No longer is it considered enough to come home with a winter tan or memories of great restaurant meals, you need to be able to make your own bread or fillet your own fish. Pottering around craft galleries wont wash - the smart new souvenirs are your very own handcrafted pots, willow garden ornaments or stained glass lampshades. Some of the motivation comes from the recession. With money tight and jobs insecure, our weekends need to feel worthwhile, industrious and focused. Theres been a huge resurgence of interest in home crafts, cookery and gardening as we find pleasure in growing and making our own. Theres never been a better time to be a domestic goddess or a garden god (or vice versa). With the environment also on peoples minds, courses that can turn us into good lifers (yes, even with a small back garden) are hugely popular. Learn the basics of keeping hens, bees, even pigs. Start your own allotment; build a wood-burning stove; make your own biodiesel - in fact, why not go the whole hog and build your own straw-bale house? A weekend is the perfect amount of time for a course. Its not too large a commitment of time or cash and not too embarrassing or gruesome if you discover, very swiftly, that your dream of being the next Cath Kidston or Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall is pie in the sky. Some courses run from Friday to Sunday, while others last for just a day and many give the impetus to try out a new hobby or skill. Some Carron York who, along with husband Tony, runs pig-keeping courses in Wiltshire, says that lots of people are now keeping pigs, not just as a hobby, but as an extra source of income. One woman keeps rare-breed pigs to help put her daughters through school, she says. Others just come along and fall in love. Above all, weekend courses are great fun. They provide the opportunity to meet like-minded people and are often held in stunning or unusual locations. Some are residential (from country-house hotels to DIY camping in a muddy field); others will require you to make your own accommodation arrangements. Not all these courses are run regularly, so check the websites to find the next date. Some will put on extra weekends if there is enough interest, so ask if a suitable date isnt available. Many only take small groups and book up quickly, so dont delay. The following weekends offer something for everyone. Weve tracked down 50 courses throughout the UK, catering for a wide variety of ages and interests. Happy learning!
One reason for the boom in learning is that people don't have a lot of money.
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id_3791
Leisure Time Trends Forget about city breaks or whizzing off for a long weekend in the sun. Learning, it seems, is the new travel and everyone is racing back to school to crack a new skill. No longer is it considered enough to come home with a winter tan or memories of great restaurant meals, you need to be able to make your own bread or fillet your own fish. Pottering around craft galleries wont wash - the smart new souvenirs are your very own handcrafted pots, willow garden ornaments or stained glass lampshades. Some of the motivation comes from the recession. With money tight and jobs insecure, our weekends need to feel worthwhile, industrious and focused. Theres been a huge resurgence of interest in home crafts, cookery and gardening as we find pleasure in growing and making our own. Theres never been a better time to be a domestic goddess or a garden god (or vice versa). With the environment also on peoples minds, courses that can turn us into good lifers (yes, even with a small back garden) are hugely popular. Learn the basics of keeping hens, bees, even pigs. Start your own allotment; build a wood-burning stove; make your own biodiesel - in fact, why not go the whole hog and build your own straw-bale house? A weekend is the perfect amount of time for a course. Its not too large a commitment of time or cash and not too embarrassing or gruesome if you discover, very swiftly, that your dream of being the next Cath Kidston or Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall is pie in the sky. Some courses run from Friday to Sunday, while others last for just a day and many give the impetus to try out a new hobby or skill. Some Carron York who, along with husband Tony, runs pig-keeping courses in Wiltshire, says that lots of people are now keeping pigs, not just as a hobby, but as an extra source of income. One woman keeps rare-breed pigs to help put her daughters through school, she says. Others just come along and fall in love. Above all, weekend courses are great fun. They provide the opportunity to meet like-minded people and are often held in stunning or unusual locations. Some are residential (from country-house hotels to DIY camping in a muddy field); others will require you to make your own accommodation arrangements. Not all these courses are run regularly, so check the websites to find the next date. Some will put on extra weekends if there is enough interest, so ask if a suitable date isnt available. Many only take small groups and book up quickly, so dont delay. The following weekends offer something for everyone. Weve tracked down 50 courses throughout the UK, catering for a wide variety of ages and interests. Happy learning!
All the courses run for two or three days.
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id_3792
Leisure Time Trends Forget about city breaks or whizzing off for a long weekend in the sun. Learning, it seems, is the new travel and everyone is racing back to school to crack a new skill. No longer is it considered enough to come home with a winter tan or memories of great restaurant meals, you need to be able to make your own bread or fillet your own fish. Pottering around craft galleries wont wash - the smart new souvenirs are your very own handcrafted pots, willow garden ornaments or stained glass lampshades. Some of the motivation comes from the recession. With money tight and jobs insecure, our weekends need to feel worthwhile, industrious and focused. Theres been a huge resurgence of interest in home crafts, cookery and gardening as we find pleasure in growing and making our own. Theres never been a better time to be a domestic goddess or a garden god (or vice versa). With the environment also on peoples minds, courses that can turn us into good lifers (yes, even with a small back garden) are hugely popular. Learn the basics of keeping hens, bees, even pigs. Start your own allotment; build a wood-burning stove; make your own biodiesel - in fact, why not go the whole hog and build your own straw-bale house? A weekend is the perfect amount of time for a course. Its not too large a commitment of time or cash and not too embarrassing or gruesome if you discover, very swiftly, that your dream of being the next Cath Kidston or Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall is pie in the sky. Some courses run from Friday to Sunday, while others last for just a day and many give the impetus to try out a new hobby or skill. Some Carron York who, along with husband Tony, runs pig-keeping courses in Wiltshire, says that lots of people are now keeping pigs, not just as a hobby, but as an extra source of income. One woman keeps rare-breed pigs to help put her daughters through school, she says. Others just come along and fall in love. Above all, weekend courses are great fun. They provide the opportunity to meet like-minded people and are often held in stunning or unusual locations. Some are residential (from country-house hotels to DIY camping in a muddy field); others will require you to make your own accommodation arrangements. Not all these courses are run regularly, so check the websites to find the next date. Some will put on extra weekends if there is enough interest, so ask if a suitable date isnt available. Many only take small groups and book up quickly, so dont delay. The following weekends offer something for everyone. Weve tracked down 50 courses throughout the UK, catering for a wide variety of ages and interests. Happy learning!
Courses on how to breed livestock are becoming more popular.
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id_3793
Leisure Time Trends Forget about city breaks or whizzing off for a long weekend in the sun. Learning, it seems, is the new travel and everyone is racing back to school to crack a new skill. No longer is it considered enough to come home with a winter tan or memories of great restaurant meals, you need to be able to make your own bread or fillet your own fish. Pottering around craft galleries wont wash - the smart new souvenirs are your very own handcrafted pots, willow garden ornaments or stained glass lampshades. Some of the motivation comes from the recession. With money tight and jobs insecure, our weekends need to feel worthwhile, industrious and focused. Theres been a huge resurgence of interest in home crafts, cookery and gardening as we find pleasure in growing and making our own. Theres never been a better time to be a domestic goddess or a garden god (or vice versa). With the environment also on peoples minds, courses that can turn us into good lifers (yes, even with a small back garden) are hugely popular. Learn the basics of keeping hens, bees, even pigs. Start your own allotment; build a wood-burning stove; make your own biodiesel - in fact, why not go the whole hog and build your own straw-bale house? A weekend is the perfect amount of time for a course. Its not too large a commitment of time or cash and not too embarrassing or gruesome if you discover, very swiftly, that your dream of being the next Cath Kidston or Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall is pie in the sky. Some courses run from Friday to Sunday, while others last for just a day and many give the impetus to try out a new hobby or skill. Some Carron York who, along with husband Tony, runs pig-keeping courses in Wiltshire, says that lots of people are now keeping pigs, not just as a hobby, but as an extra source of income. One woman keeps rare-breed pigs to help put her daughters through school, she says. Others just come along and fall in love. Above all, weekend courses are great fun. They provide the opportunity to meet like-minded people and are often held in stunning or unusual locations. Some are residential (from country-house hotels to DIY camping in a muddy field); others will require you to make your own accommodation arrangements. Not all these courses are run regularly, so check the websites to find the next date. Some will put on extra weekends if there is enough interest, so ask if a suitable date isnt available. Many only take small groups and book up quickly, so dont delay. The following weekends offer something for everyone. Weve tracked down 50 courses throughout the UK, catering for a wide variety of ages and interests. Happy learning!
Combining hobbies with holidays is becoming very popular.
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id_3794
Leisure Time Trends Forget about city breaks or whizzing off for a long weekend in the sun. Learning, it seems, is the new travel and everyone is racing back to school to crack a new skill. No longer is it considered enough to come home with a winter tan or memories of great restaurant meals, you need to be able to make your own bread or fillet your own fish. Pottering around craft galleries wont wash - the smart new souvenirs are your very own handcrafted pots, willow garden ornaments or stained glass lampshades. Some of the motivation comes from the recession. With money tight and jobs insecure, our weekends need to feel worthwhile, industrious and focused. Theres been a huge resurgence of interest in home crafts, cookery and gardening as we find pleasure in growing and making our own. Theres never been a better time to be a domestic goddess or a garden god (or vice versa). With the environment also on peoples minds, courses that can turn us into good lifers (yes, even with a small back garden) are hugely popular. Learn the basics of keeping hens, bees, even pigs. Start your own allotment; build a wood-burning stove; make your own biodiesel - in fact, why not go the whole hog and build your own straw-bale house? A weekend is the perfect amount of time for a course. Its not too large a commitment of time or cash and not too embarrassing or gruesome if you discover, very swiftly, that your dream of being the next Cath Kidston or Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall is pie in the sky. Some courses run from Friday to Sunday, while others last for just a day and many give the impetus to try out a new hobby or skill. Some Carron York who, along with husband Tony, runs pig-keeping courses in Wiltshire, says that lots of people are now keeping pigs, not just as a hobby, but as an extra source of income. One woman keeps rare-breed pigs to help put her daughters through school, she says. Others just come along and fall in love. Above all, weekend courses are great fun. They provide the opportunity to meet like-minded people and are often held in stunning or unusual locations. Some are residential (from country-house hotels to DIY camping in a muddy field); others will require you to make your own accommodation arrangements. Not all these courses are run regularly, so check the websites to find the next date. Some will put on extra weekends if there is enough interest, so ask if a suitable date isnt available. Many only take small groups and book up quickly, so dont delay. The following weekends offer something for everyone. Weve tracked down 50 courses throughout the UK, catering for a wide variety of ages and interests. Happy learning!
Some people use the courses to help them start out in business.
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id_3795
Leo Fender and George Fullerton introduced first the Esquire and then the Broadcaster, the first standard electric guitars produced by the Fender Electric Instrument Manufacturing Company. Due to a trademark conflict with another musical instrument company (the Gretsch Broadkaster line of drums), the Broadcasters name was quickly changed to Telecaster and perhaps the most enduring electric guitar ever was born. In 1951 Fender introduced the Precision Bass, which changed the shape of music forever. By replacing the unamplified stand-up contrabass, the P-Bass radically changed both the practice and the sound of pop music and jazz. This was followed quickly by the introduction in 1954 of the Stratocaster, whose modernistic styling and musical versatility made it a true cultural icon, easily the most recognizable and popular electric guitar ever made.
Leo Fender owned the Fender Electric Instrument Manufacturing Company.
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id_3796
Leo Fender and George Fullerton introduced first the Esquire and then the Broadcaster, the first standard electric guitars produced by the Fender Electric Instrument Manufacturing Company. Due to a trademark conflict with another musical instrument company (the Gretsch Broadkaster line of drums), the Broadcasters name was quickly changed to Telecaster and perhaps the most enduring electric guitar ever was born. In 1951 Fender introduced the Precision Bass, which changed the shape of music forever. By replacing the unamplified stand-up contrabass, the P-Bass radically changed both the practice and the sound of pop music and jazz. This was followed quickly by the introduction in 1954 of the Stratocaster, whose modernistic styling and musical versatility made it a true cultural icon, easily the most recognizable and popular electric guitar ever made.
The Telecaster and Stratocaster designs are still both popular.
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id_3797
Leo Fender and George Fullerton introduced first the Esquire and then the Broadcaster, the first standard electric guitars produced by the Fender Electric Instrument Manufacturing Company. Due to a trademark conflict with another musical instrument company (the Gretsch Broadkaster line of drums), the Broadcasters name was quickly changed to Telecaster and perhaps the most enduring electric guitar ever was born. In 1951 Fender introduced the Precision Bass, which changed the shape of music forever. By replacing the unamplified stand-up contrabass, the P-Bass radically changed both the practice and the sound of pop music and jazz. This was followed quickly by the introduction in 1954 of the Stratocaster, whose modernistic styling and musical versatility made it a true cultural icon, easily the most recognizable and popular electric guitar ever made.
The Broadcaster pre-dated the Stratocaster by three years.
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id_3798
Leo Fender and George Fullerton introduced first the Esquire and then the Broadcaster, the first standard electric guitars produced by the Fender Electric Instrument Manufacturing Company. Due to a trademark conflict with another musical instrument company (the Gretsch Broadkaster line of drums), the Broadcasters name was quickly changed to Telecaster and perhaps the most enduring electric guitar ever was born. In 1951 Fender introduced the Precision Bass, which changed the shape of music forever. By replacing the unamplified stand-up contrabass, the P-Bass radically changed both the practice and the sound of pop music and jazz. This was followed quickly by the introduction in 1954 of the Stratocaster, whose modernistic styling and musical versatility made it a true cultural icon, easily the most recognizable and popular electric guitar ever made.
The Esquire and the Broadcaster were the first electric guitars ever made.
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id_3799
Leo Fender and George Fullerton introduced first the Esquire and then the Broadcaster, the first standard electric guitars produced by the Fender Electric Instrument Manufacturing Company. Due to a trademark conflict with another musical instrument company (the Gretsch Broadkaster line of drums), the Broadcasters name was quickly changed to Telecaster and perhaps the most enduring electric guitar ever was born. In 1951 Fender introduced the Precision Bass, which changed the shape of music forever. By replacing the unamplified stand-up contrabass, the P-Bass radically changed both the practice and the sound of pop music and jazz. This was followed quickly by the introduction in 1954 of the Stratocaster, whose modernistic styling and musical versatility made it a true cultural icon, easily the most recognizable and popular electric guitar ever made.
The Precision Bass changed the sound of popular music in the early 1950s.
e