{ "paper_id": "Y13-1033", "header": { "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:32:14.408394Z" }, "title": "Typological Stage of Counterfactuals in Chinese", "authors": [ { "first": "Qian", "middle": [], "last": "Yong", "suffix": "", "affiliation": { "laboratory": "", "institution": "University of Hong Kong", "location": {} }, "email": "" }, { "first": "", "middle": [], "last": "Candidate", "suffix": "", "affiliation": { "laboratory": "", "institution": "University of Hong Kong", "location": {} }, "email": "" } ], "year": "", "venue": null, "identifiers": {}, "abstract": "Wu(1994) listed ten words as CFs' markers in Chinese, they are \u65e9 (early) \uff0c \u4e86 (perfect/perfective marker), \u8981\u4e0d\u662f/\u8981\u4e0d\u7136 (had it not been the case), \u6ca1(didn't), \u5c31\u597d\u4e86 (would have been great if only)\uff0c\u8fd8\u4ee5\u4e3a(had thought), \u539f\u6765\u5e94\u8be5(should have been), ...\u7684 \u8bdd (in the case), \u771f \u7684 (really). However, according to our definitions, none of them are dedicated CFs markers but only CFE 1 markers except \u8981\u4e0d\u662f. Several observations can be summarized from these markers: (1)although they can be applied to deliver a counterfactual reading, they can never ensure a counterfactual reading; (2) the counterfactuality delivered by them can be easily cancelled by inserting another sentence following behind; (3)counterfactuality can be expressed in absense of these CFE markers.", "pdf_parse": { "paper_id": "Y13-1033", "_pdf_hash": "", "abstract": [ { "text": "Wu(1994) listed ten words as CFs' markers in Chinese, they are \u65e9 (early) \uff0c \u4e86 (perfect/perfective marker), \u8981\u4e0d\u662f/\u8981\u4e0d\u7136 (had it not been the case), \u6ca1(didn't), \u5c31\u597d\u4e86 (would have been great if only)\uff0c\u8fd8\u4ee5\u4e3a(had thought), \u539f\u6765\u5e94\u8be5(should have been), ...\u7684 \u8bdd (in the case), \u771f \u7684 (really). However, according to our definitions, none of them are dedicated CFs markers but only CFE 1 markers except \u8981\u4e0d\u662f. Several observations can be summarized from these markers: (1)although they can be applied to deliver a counterfactual reading, they can never ensure a counterfactual reading; (2) the counterfactuality delivered by them can be easily cancelled by inserting another sentence following behind; (3)counterfactuality can be expressed in absense of these CFE markers.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Abstract", "sec_num": null } ], "body_text": [ { "text": "The issue of different treatments of counterfactuality in Chinese and other world languages was first proposed by Bloom(1981) who made an assumption that the lack of counterfactual expressions in Chinese is a significant cognitive consequence. To support his hypothesis, he made several experiments including asking contrary-to-fact questions in HongKong and Taiwan. Comrie(1986) holds the similar opinion by arguing that Chinese is among the languages which make no distinction in terms of hypotheticality, for instance, in Chinese, where 'Zhangsan he-le jiu, wojiu mata' can vary in interpretation from 'If Zhangsan has drunk wine, I will scold him', to 'If Zhangsan drank wine, I would scold him', and then to 'If Zhangsan had drunk wine, I would have scolded him.' Wizerzbicka(1997) is skeptical about the accuracy of the lacking of counterfactual markings in Chinese, by illustrating:", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 114, "end": 125, "text": "Bloom(1981)", "ref_id": "BIBREF2" }, { "start": 367, "end": 379, "text": "Comrie(1986)", "ref_id": "BIBREF7" }, { "start": 769, "end": 786, "text": "Wizerzbicka(1997)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "1 CFE markers (Counterfactuality Enhancing Markers) characterize the grammatical elements whose appearence increases but not ensure the chances of expressing counterfactuality.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "(1) a. Jiaru nashihou (in the past) x mei fasheng dehua, ye jiu meiyou y le. If X hadnot happened at that time, there would not be Y.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "(Non-factual optional)", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "b. Jiaru jianglai(in future) x bu fasheng de hua Jiu buhui you y. If X does not happen, there won't be Y. (Non-factual impossible) The difference between the above two sentences involves the time adverbials (nashihou implies past reference and jianglai refers to the future). In addition, the modal form buhui implies a real possibility. Tien(1994) gives a similar discussion about the clearly distinguished CF conditional in Taiwanese Min by considering the following examples:", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 106, "end": 130, "text": "(Non-factual impossible)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 338, "end": 348, "text": "Tien(1994)", "ref_id": "BIBREF27" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "(2) a. yi lae shizwun(past) wa na wu ji, wa ae twa yi I will/would marry she/her.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "(Non-factual optional) b. yihou / jionglai wa na wu ji, later / future I if have money I will marry her.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "(Non-factual impossible) I agree that neither Chinese nor Taiwanese constituent an exception to the broad generalization that languages have \"at least two-way distinction in terms of degrees of hypotheticality\", but the complexity of counterfactual marking in Chinese has been underrated. For one thing, neither past tense nor the modal verb is sufficient to differentiate CFs from non-CFs in Chinese. The ambiguity of (2a) shows the insufficiency of the past tense as CF marking. And buhui(will not) is not limited to factual interpretation in Chinese as Wizerzbicka(1997) For another thing, neither the past tense nor the modal verbs are necessary to distinguish the CFs in Chinese. CFs in Chinese can be expressed without any marking, like \"Ruguo taiyang cong xibian chulai, wojiu jiagei ni.\" (If the sun rose from the west, I will marry you.)", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 556, "end": 573, "text": "Wizerzbicka(1997)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "EQUATION", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [ { "start": 0, "end": 8, "text": "EQUATION", "ref_id": "EQREF", "raw_str": "mentioned,", "eq_num": "(3)" } ], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "Leaving aside for the time being the complex counterfactual markings in Chinese, the above evidence of Chinese CF conditionals can overthrow Bloom's assumption about the lacking of CFs in Chinese fully well. Other criticisms by Au(1983) , Liu(1985) , Wu(1994 ), Yeh&Gentner(2005 also report similar performances between Chinese and English speakers in CF reasoning task. But how do we account for the different responses of speakers of Chinese and English to the hypothetical questions asked by Bloom? Wu(1989) argues that these different responses could be caused by different cultural values and communicative rules that constrain the use of counterfactuality in different social contexts. Wu(1989) further provides many salient linguistic devices-lexical item, stress and intonation-in Chinese for marking counterfactuality. Then it shifts our attention from whether Chinese has counterfactual expressions to whether Chinese has dedicated CF markers. It has been admitted by Chao(1968) , Chen(1988) , Wu(1989) , Xing(1993) , Jiang(2000) , Su(2008 ), Yeh&Gentner(2005 and Feng&Li (2006) that Chinese CFs are based on an interaction between CF markers and other variables such as semantics and contexts. Ye and Gentner(2005) divided the CFs into \"transparent and non-transparent\". The former can be marked through intentional violations of semantic knowledge, such as sentence \"If I you can buy a house, then I am the president of the USA\". There are obvious limitations with markings at semantic or discourse level, and they are not in the interest of our research. For the non-transparent counterfactuals, it is a cross-language phenomenon to apply the fake temporal marker. Jiang(2000) claims that the fake temporal markers also work in Chinese, Here, zao(early) is taken by Jiang(2000) as a fake past tense in that it can point to any day in the past which can be either dangchu(that time) or zuotian(yesterday). However, I am in the view that the implicit meaning of zao is lexically designated and it can never alter its function of indicating PAST, such as \"(*)mingtian (tomorrow) yaoshi(if-be) zao(early) zhidao(know)\u2026 \". Compare (4) with the following CFs with fake tense marker, It has been argued by Chen(1988) and Jiang(2000) that (6b) conveys the factual interpretation of the events, and the coercion on the aspect marking in (6a) is a reflex of fake aspect in Chinese CFs. I am also of a different opinion in that (6b) does convey a nonfactual interpretation, and even if aspect coercion is needed for marking CFs, it will never function as a fake aspect like: (Persian) Here, the durative aspect is used to indicate the perfective. The alteration of the original function of tense and aspect does not occur in Chinese CFs, and we cannot conclude that Chinese has the fake temporal marker.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 228, "end": 236, "text": "Au(1983)", "ref_id": "BIBREF0" }, { "start": 239, "end": 248, "text": "Liu(1985)", "ref_id": "BIBREF17" }, { "start": 251, "end": 258, "text": "Wu(1994", "ref_id": "BIBREF29" }, { "start": 259, "end": 278, "text": "), Yeh&Gentner(2005", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 495, "end": 510, "text": "Bloom? Wu(1989)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 692, "end": 700, "text": "Wu(1989)", "ref_id": "BIBREF30" }, { "start": 978, "end": 988, "text": "Chao(1968)", "ref_id": "BIBREF4" }, { "start": 991, "end": 1001, "text": "Chen(1988)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 1004, "end": 1012, "text": "Wu(1989)", "ref_id": "BIBREF30" }, { "start": 1015, "end": 1025, "text": "Xing(1993)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 1028, "end": 1039, "text": "Jiang(2000)", "ref_id": "BIBREF14" }, { "start": 1042, "end": 1049, "text": "Su(2008", "ref_id": "BIBREF26" }, { "start": 1050, "end": 1069, "text": "), Yeh&Gentner(2005", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 1074, "end": 1088, "text": "Feng&Li (2006)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 1205, "end": 1225, "text": "Ye and Gentner(2005)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 1678, "end": 1689, "text": "Jiang(2000)", "ref_id": "BIBREF14" }, { "start": 1779, "end": 1790, "text": "Jiang(2000)", "ref_id": "BIBREF14" }, { "start": 2212, "end": 2222, "text": "Chen(1988)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 2227, "end": 2238, "text": "Jiang(2000)", "ref_id": "BIBREF14" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "However, the highly frequent occurrence of zao , le(perfect/perfective marker), yaobushi(if-NEG-be), yaoburan(if-NEG-this case), jiuhaole(then good-PTL), yiwei(had thought), \u2026dehua(in that case) and zhende(really) in the Chinese CFs cannot be denied, for all of which Wu(1994) included as CF markers. Jiang (2000) rejected all of them on the logical ground that each form could potentially be used in noncounterfactual contexts. Feng&Li(2006) argues CF marker may not necessarily be consistent even in English. He further concluded that the temporal reference, the aspect marker and the lexicalized phrases account for 90% of the CFs in Chinese. However, we cannot easily take all these strategies as markers for CFs in Chinese. Wang(2012) takes these carefully by referring them as CF ingredients. But do all the CF ingredients work at the same level? Like what I talked about in this paper, CF markers and CFE markers need to be differentiated and CFs in Chinese are generally expressed through CFE markers. In other words, CFs in Chinese are not determined but reinforced by the appearance of the features which can be applied to enhance the hypotheticality i.e. CFE markers. The situation in Chinese can be explained by the theory of CFI-(Counterfactual Implicature) Pinciple (Ziegeller,2000):", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 268, "end": 276, "text": "Wu(1994)", "ref_id": "BIBREF29" }, { "start": 301, "end": 313, "text": "Jiang (2000)", "ref_id": "BIBREF14" }, { "start": 429, "end": 442, "text": "Feng&Li(2006)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "The CFI-Principle: 'The strength of an implicature is directly proportional to the specificity conditions (information density) in which it is located.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "Therefore, in the absence of the dedicated CF markers, the CFE markers like real past tense, objective negation (mei), first person pronoun, proximal pronouns, real perfect/perfective (le) in Chinese which are often associated with environments with high information-desity function as the potential catalyst for the extraction of the counterfactual reading. The more of the features that are present, the greater probability it implies to express counterfactuality. Therefore, the continuum nature of Comrie's description may correspond to variations in the number of features present in the sentences. And the cluster of features together may contribute to an overall optimum situation for the interpretation of counterfactual notions, like: (Haiman, 1980) Whereas CFE markers can mark counterfactuality in a certain environment but not exclusively, the reflection of which will be found in its insufficiency of marking CFs. In Russian, the word for if is esli, which can generate open interpretation as well as the counterfactual reading, e.g., By comparing these two sentences, it could be observed that the appearence of negation marker (ne) in Russian increases the chances of expressing counterfactuality. However, we could not easily attribute it as a CF marker because it can still occur in non-CF environment. Although there are distinct features between CFE marker and CF marker, we cannot expect a clear-cut boundary. The essential difference between each other is the different degrees of hypotheticality contained in the markers. From a historical view, we will find a process of grammaticalization from CFE markers to CF markers. Not all the CFE markers meet the requirements of changing, but for those qualified ones, some may stay at the continuum between CFE markers and CF markers, while others have already become dedicated CF makers. For convenience, some typical CFE markers will be chosen for discussion in the following passage.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 744, "end": 758, "text": "(Haiman, 1980)", "ref_id": "BIBREF10" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Counterfactual Research in Chinese", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "Negation has a close relationship on the CF interpretation of a conditional. Wierzbicka(1997) realized the effect of negation on enhancing the hypotheticality. She even attributed the double negative CF conditionals as the hard core of the \"counter-factual\" category. It was further explained by her that it is easier for the common sense to accept that \"facts\" are positive rather than negative, that things that happen are more \"real\" than things that do not happen, and that our knowledge of things that have happened is more certain and reliable than the knowledge of things that haven't happened. It is well documented in many different languages that the distinction between the world of affirmative and negative sentence lies in that the negative sentences are normally connected with \"irrealis\", like in Nyulnyulan languages of Western Austrlia, (McGregor ,1996) In Chinese, negators are not regarded as grammatical contributors of counterfactuality by Jiang(2000) in that if an antecedent is introduced by negators, it always points to an event which already occurred. Negation of an already occurred event naturally generates CF interpretation. However, Wang(2012) argues that since no definite answer can be provided to prove that the use of negators will lead to a proposition containing a fact, or vice versa, it is reasonable to classify them as a CF grammatical ingredient. Likewise, negation can happen in either antecedent or consequent to enhance the hypotheticality, (12)a with double affirmative can be interpreted either as a CF or as a non-CF, while the general reading of (12)b is only a CF. However, both of them don't entail the counterfactuality , which can be cancelled by introducing an additional clause preceding them, like \"\u6211\u4e0d\u77e5\u9053\u4f60\u521a\u624d\u6709\u6ca1\u6709\u6765\u8fd9/ \u53eb\u4f4f\u4ed6\uff0c\u4f46\u662f\u2026\u2026(I don't know whether you were here / stopped him just now, but\u2026)\". However, the counterfactuality of a CF conditional with double negation can not easily be cancelled, like, The speaker surely knew that China had already practiced the policy when uttering this sentence. An introducing of an additional clause used to cancel the counterfactuality will seem odd here.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 77, "end": 93, "text": "Wierzbicka(1997)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 854, "end": 870, "text": "(McGregor ,1996)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 961, "end": 972, "text": "Jiang(2000)", "ref_id": "BIBREF14" }, { "start": 1164, "end": 1174, "text": "Wang(2012)", "ref_id": "BIBREF28" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Negation", "sec_num": "2.1" }, { "text": "Wierzbicka(1997) argues that it is the domain of \"what happens\" rather than that of what you and I may want to do , which is the realm of \"factuality\" par excellence. Consequently, the hard core of \"counterfactuality\", too, must be restricted to what happened (or didn't happen) rather than uncertain intensions. She further listed examples in Russian and Polish, where the first or second person is more difficult to get a counterfactual reading as third person or non-human subjects. (Wierzbicka, 1997) According to her, CF conditionals with a negative protasis as 14does not necessarily have a counterfactual reading, but this case is only restricted to the first or second person. And if the third person or the non-human subjects appear, the sentence is forced to get a counterfactual reading. It can be explained in that first and second person action sentences are expected to behave differently in the respect of objectivity from \"third person event sentences\", since the first or second person is always bound with subjective intensions.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Objectivity", "sec_num": "2.2" }, { "text": "Similar evidence can be found in Chinese negatorsmei(\u6ca1) and bu(\u4e0d), with the former carrying stronger counterfactuality than the latter. The differences of the two have been discussed a lot by Li and Thompson(1981) , Ting-chi Tang(1994) and Yuzhi Shi and Na Li(2000) . Here, we only concern the differences reflected in objectivity between mei(\u6ca1) and bu(\u4e0d) which will lead to the different degrees of hypotheticality for CFs. mei( \u6ca1 ) is an objective negation of an event , while bu(\u4e0d) is a negation of the subjective desire.Examples from CCL (Center for Chinese Linguistics PKU) reveal a great priority of mei(\u6ca1) used in CFs over bu(\u4e0d). (15)a merely presents a possible imagination of speaker with subjective emotions. While (15)b shows an objective negation of an occurred situation, which therefore creates a possible world for the hearer through the utterance.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 192, "end": 213, "text": "Li and Thompson(1981)", "ref_id": "BIBREF16" }, { "start": 216, "end": 235, "text": "Ting-chi Tang(1994)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 240, "end": 265, "text": "Yuzhi Shi and Na Li(2000)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Objectivity", "sec_num": "2.2" }, { "text": "Considering the above examples, we can draw a brief conclusion: hypotheticality does have some relations with objectivity. Third person and unanimated subjects in Russian and Polish blessed with objective meaning work like a CFE marker. And mei(\u6ca1) shows greater tendency over bu(\u4e0d) to be a CFE marker in Chinese. However, as a CFE marker, mei( \u6ca1 ) does not necessarily guarantee the counterfactual reading of the sentence, as a CFE marker cannot mark the sentence exclusively. A counterfactual interpretation should depend on the antecedent of a conditional known to be false, whereas the objective negation of an event may go beyond our shared knowledge, like: It is noteworthy that different languages may display different mechanisms in enhancing the hypotheticality. First or second person cannot be a CFE marker in Russian and Polish because of lacking objectivity, but it performs differently in other languages (which will be expound in the following passage). The role of Objectivity in enhancing the probability of counterfactual reading is also mentioned by Ziegeler(2000) who argues that the hypothesis of irrealis will be probable but not counterfactual, whereas the hypothesis of an objective known-fact will produce a counterfactual utterance.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 1068, "end": 1082, "text": "Ziegeler(2000)", "ref_id": "BIBREF33" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Objectivity", "sec_num": "2.2" }, { "text": "As mentioned above, the interpretation of a conditional sentence is related to the personal pronouns used as subject. And the third person pronoun is more likely to appear in the CFs than the first/second person pronoun in Russian and Polish because of objectivity. But it is not always the case in other languages where the first/second person pronoun (especially the first person pronoun) bears a great priority to be a subject in CFs over others. Ziegeler(2000) argues that it is because the first or second persons are deicitically closer to speaker's immediate domain of reference, and in the case of the first person subjects, the subject and the speaker are the same. This intimacy, therefore, is in the best possible position to make a factually-based prediction about the past. She further provides two examples to prove her ideas, In (17)b, the cancellation of counterfactual reading can be realized by adding \"so let's go and ask him if he was there\". But in a normal circumstance, the counterfactuality of (17)a cannot be cancelled by introducing \"but I didn't know where I was at the time\", since I am always has the most intimate knowledge of myself under normal circumstances. Similar evidence can also be found in Chinese, The third person pronoun in 18a generates an open interpretation, since the speaker is not familiar with \"his\" situation and simply makes an open hypothesis. The second person pronoun, closer to the speaker's domain, will generate an ambiguous interpretation, either open or counterfactual, depending on whether the event in antecedent has already been presupposed to be false. Whereas, the first person pronoun in (18)c will undoubtedly produce a CF reading. Unless suffering from a memory loss and this is another case, the speaker surely knows his own situation. Any hypothesis based on a known reality will deliver a counterfactual understanding.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 450, "end": 464, "text": "Ziegeler(2000)", "ref_id": "BIBREF33" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Intimacy", "sec_num": "2.3" }, { "text": "The influence of intimacy on enhancing the hypotheticality can also be found in the demonstrative pronouns where the proximal (this, these) is more inclined to express a CF reading than the distal (that, those). Consider the following examples in Chinese, It is because that the proximal demonstrative pronoun pulls closer the distance between the event and the speaker, and the event in the antecedent is more likely to be presupposed to be false. In contrast, the event indicated by the distal demonstrative pronoun is relatively far in the speaker's domain of reference, and less likely to be presupposed because of the remoteness. Therefore, (19)a with na(that) shows an ambiguous interpretation, either counterfactual or factual , while(19)b with zhe(this) creates a higher level of counterfactuality and can only be understood counterfactually.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Intimacy", "sec_num": "2.3" }, { "text": "The effect of intimacy can be further proved by the differences between the definite nouns and the indefinite nouns. Compare the following example with (19) ", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [ { "start": 152, "end": 156, "text": "(19)", "ref_id": "FIGREF0" } ], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Intimacy", "sec_num": "2.3" }, { "text": "The information encoded in the verbal categoriestense, aspect and mood/modality (TAM)-may be helpful in enhancing the possibility of expressing Counterfactuals. We put them together both because they interact with each other in various ways in the morpho-syntax, semantics and pragmatics and because for some languages there may not be clearly differentiated categories of these three. For instance, tense and aspect cannot be clearly distinguished in many languages, like in Spanish and Modern Greek, the imperfective aspect will be conflated with the past tense in a form traditionally called imperfect. It is also the same case in analytic languages like Chinese where aspect, lexical information and modal verbs work together to form the temporal location. Aspectual viewpoints are conveyed in Chinese by le( \u4e86 ), guo( \u8fc7 ), zai( \u5728 ), zhe( \u7740 ) or adverbs like changchang(\u5e38\u5e38)\uff0c(yijing)\u5df2\u7ecf or zero marked bare sentence. Lexicons like past/future-oriented verbshuiyi(\u56de\u5fc6) and jihua(\u8ba1\u5212), modal verbs-hui(\u4f1a), yao(\u8981) and jiang(\u5c06), connective adverbs-yihou(\u4ee5 \u540e ), jiu(\u5c31 ) and zao( \u65e9 ) all join together to help realize the temporal reference in Chinese. However, we cannot deny the theoretically ideal distinction of TAM, and there does exit many languages with separate grammatical markers for TAM.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "2.4TAM Features", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "It is widely believed and well documented that past tense is inextricably related to crosslinguistic notions of high hypotheticality. Presumably, it is because one should have great certainty about the past event than the future event, so that a past situation that is nonfactual will probably be hypothetical enough to be counterfactual, whereas a future situation that is nonfactual is quite likely to be just left open (Comrie,1986) . Some linguists relate the past tense with high hypotheticality by proposing that \"past\" simply denotes remoteness, either temporal or modal (Steele,1975; Iatridou,2000; Ritter and Wiltschko,2010) . It is the metaphorical device from spatial and temporal distance/proximity to abstract conceptual or coginitive distance/proximity that relates temporal distance with modal distance (Fleischman, 1989) . However, we cannot easily attribute past tense as a CF marker as real past tense cannot signal unreality exclusively like fake past, e.g. in Spanish, (Bennett, 1988) The degree of hypotheticality contained in real past in (20)a does not reach the standard of expressing counterfactual. Considering its contribution on enhancing the hypotheticaliy, it may be more reasonable to classify them as CFE markers. However, it is not the case for the fake past which can be applied indiscriminately in sentences with various temporal references like 20 But considering the high frequency of real past tense in CFs, we cannot ignore the contribution of real past tenses to CFs. It may be better to term the real past tense as a CFE marker, as it really works to enhance the probability of expressing CFs.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 422, "end": 435, "text": "(Comrie,1986)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 578, "end": 591, "text": "(Steele,1975;", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 592, "end": 606, "text": "Iatridou,2000;", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 607, "end": 633, "text": "Ritter and Wiltschko,2010)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 818, "end": 836, "text": "(Fleischman, 1989)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 989, "end": 1004, "text": "(Bennett, 1988)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Tense", "sec_num": "2.4.1" }, { "text": "Like past tense, perfect/perfective can be used to locate a knowable domain. From this perspective, both perfect and perfective aspect can play the same role in enhancing the probability of expressing CFs as past tense. For example, in Welsh, according to Jones (2010), the perfect aspect has a temporal function by locating a situation in anterior time from the standpoint of reference time or, in terms of a related explanation, it provides a retrospective view of a situation from the standpoint of a reference time. And the perfect aspect with tenses other than past is problematic in Welsh, (Molencki, 1999) Perfective aspect is also claimed to have equal temporal function of past tense in Nootka, where past tense can be substituted by perfective aspect in expressing the CFs, like: ( (Davidson, 2002) Likewise, the information carried by real perfective aspect may enhance the hypotheticality in a sense, but it can never encode counterfactulity before it evolves into a dedicated marker with no aspectual constraints. For example, in Chinese , perfective/perfect marker le(\u4e86) has been taken as an important grammatical constituent by Chen(1988 Chen( ), (1994 , Jiang(2000) , Yeh&Gentner(2005) , Feng(2006) and Wang(2012) , however it cannot ensure a counterfactual interpretation when delivering a perfective/perfect meaning, like: It would be better to term the real perfect/perfective aspect in Chinese as a CFE marker rather than a CF marker.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 596, "end": 612, "text": "(Molencki, 1999)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 790, "end": 808, "text": "( (Davidson, 2002)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 1143, "end": 1152, "text": "Chen(1988", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 1153, "end": 1167, "text": "Chen( ), (1994", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 1170, "end": 1181, "text": "Jiang(2000)", "ref_id": "BIBREF14" }, { "start": 1204, "end": 1214, "text": "Feng(2006)", "ref_id": "BIBREF9" }, { "start": 1219, "end": 1229, "text": "Wang(2012)", "ref_id": "BIBREF28" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Aspect: Perfect and Perfective", "sec_num": "2.4.2" }, { "text": "A cluster of CFE markers, as listed above, all contribute to an overall optimum situation for expressing hypothetical events, and the more CFE markers that are present in the sentence, the higher degree of hypotheticality implied, with counterfactuality being obtainable as an inference or implicature deriving from the highest level of hypotheticality (Comrie, 1986) . Therefore, Comrie's theory of \"continuum of hypotheticality\" may be controlled by the choices of CFE markers in utterance. Some of the main CFE markers have been studied so far in detail with other minor features which can also be added to the cluster being left undiscussed.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 353, "end": 367, "text": "(Comrie, 1986)", "ref_id": "BIBREF7" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Other evidence", "sec_num": "2.5" }, { "text": "Some adverbials have also been argued to contribute the hypotheticality, like zhende(\u771f\u7684)\uff0c zao(\u65e9)in Chinese. According to Feng&Li (2006) , 10% of sentences marked by zhende(\u771f\u7684) in the sample will produce a counterfactual response and 83% for zao (\u65e9) . zhende(\u771f\u7684) means really in English, which can enhance the hypotheticality level by introducing an unexpected event which works to increase the distance between the possible world and the reality. However, it is not restricted to the counterfactual interpretation, like:", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 121, "end": 135, "text": "Feng&Li (2006)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 245, "end": 248, "text": "(\u65e9)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Other evidence", "sec_num": "2.5" }, { "text": "(26)Ruguo ta zhende(really) toule qian, iudei jin jianyu.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Other evidence", "sec_num": "2.5" }, { "text": "Understanding I: If he had stolen the money, he would have been sent to the prison.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "PACLIC-27", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "Understanding II: If he really has stolen the money, he will be sent to the prison.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "PACLIC-27", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "Zao( \u65e9 ) means early in English, which can be applied to detach the possible world from the reality world by indicating a remote past. However, if cooccurred with a future tense, the \"detach\" function of Zao(\u65e9) will disappear, like: ", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "PACLIC-27", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "In the languages of the world, one can come across two different major marking strategies in expressing CFs.One of them is to apply grammatical ingredients with their genuine meaning to make a hypothesis towards aknown fact. These grammatical elements are used to enhance the hypothetical effect of the sentence, therefore areattributed as CFE markers in our paper. CFE markers are commonly applied in many languages even in the so-called non-counterfactual reasoning languages like Chinese. The counterfactual sense delivered by the HE markers emerges as implicature, which can be easily cancelled. In the other type, the counterfactuality is coded by the marker (CF marker), and this is further located in time. It should, however, be noted that through language evolution, the counterfactual meaning implicated by CFE markers may be conventionalized and gradually encoded in the markers. And this leads to crossfunctional uses of these grammatical elements as dedicated CF markers in marking CFs. Through the history of languages, the strive for prevailing the conventionalized implicature of grammatical ingredients always competes with their restrictions of original functions. And this abrupt shift in the function may not be achieved in languages where grammatical information is not encoded by special morphemes. For example in Chinese, past tense is expressed by the join forces of lexical items, perfective/perfect marker le( \u4e86 ) \uff0c and other adverbials, therefore the pragmatic implicature of counterfactual meaning from those various combinations of elements may be more difficult to be strengthened and conventionalized than from a special dedicated morpheme encoding the past inflection like -ed in English. The development of a CFE marker to a CF marker, in line with the expansion of its domain of use, will be perfectly displayed by some languages with verbal inflections like Indo-European languages. However, this represents only a part of the life cycle of counterfactual marking for the relaxation of counterfactuality may be brought by the prevailing use of CF markers, which will lead to a renewal evolution from CFE marker to CF marker. The life cycle of counterfactual marking can be depicted as follows:", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Typology of Languages with Counterfactual Expressions", "sec_num": "3" }, { "text": "During the language evolution, some languages may have gone through many layers of CF markers. Like English, at least three layers of CF marker-past tense, perfect, modal(would) have been formed. And the following passage will classify the world languages according to the number of CF layers. The Nyulnyulan languages show a bipartite past/non-past division or tripartite past/present/future division contrast in expressing irrealis. Counterfactuality, which is undoubtedly expressed by past irrealis in these languages, is not shared by The sentences with all temporal references. Sentences with present and future references have no way to mark CFs in absence of the fake past and thus could only be interpretated hypothetically but not counterfactually, like (28)b,c and (29)b. Our argument is that although a genuine past tense can co-work with mood category to express counterfactuality, it can never ensure a counterfactual reading. And a language with only genuine temporal marking stays only at the very initial stage of counterfactual expression, normally restricted in the past reference. From above languages with genuine past tenses but no dedicated CF markers, at least some commonness can be concluded: Counterfactuality is expressed (1) through pragmatic implicature rather than morphosyntactic entailment;", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Typology of Languages with Counterfactual Expressions", "sec_num": "3" }, { "text": "(2) restrictedly on sentences with past time reference;", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Typology of Languages with Counterfactual Expressions", "sec_num": "3" }, { "text": "(3) most frequently with the co-work of modals. 3.2 CF 1/2 languages CF \u00bd Languages refer to the languages where there are some dedicated CF modals to mark the counterfactuality regardless of the time line, but still with some restrictions. Different from CF 0 languages, counterfactual meaning is not gained through pragmatic inference from past time, neither will it be cancelled by anadditional clause. Different from purely hypothetical conjunction ruguo, yaobushi in Chinese cannot appear in noncounterfactual environments. And the unambigious counterfactual nature of these sentences regardless of temporal reference is uniquely determined by the Yaobushi, without any contribution from aspect or tensemorphology. But the counterfactual expression is only restricted to the negative sentences. (31)Austronesian > Meso-Philippine > Tagalog diachronic data, CF conditionals in English have experienced 3 layers of development, i.e., fake past/fake perfect/would. (Halpert & Karawani, 2012) 4 Implications Wu(1994) listed ten words as CFs' markers in Chinese, they are \u65e9 (early) \uff0c \u4e86 (perfect/perfective marker), \u8981\u4e0d\u662f/\u8981\u4e0d\u7136(had it not been the case), \u6ca1 (didn't), \u5c31\u597d\u4e86(would have been great if only)\uff0c\u8fd8 \u4ee5\u4e3a(had thought), \u539f\u6765\u5e94\u8be5(should have been), ...\u7684 \u8bdd(in the case), \u771f\u7684(really). However, according to our definitions, none of them are dedicated CFs markers but only CFE markers except \u8981 \u4e0d \u662f . Several observations can be found from these markers:", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 967, "end": 993, "text": "(Halpert & Karawani, 2012)", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 1009, "end": 1017, "text": "Wu(1994)", "ref_id": "BIBREF29" } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Typology of Languages with Counterfactual Expressions", "sec_num": "3" }, { "text": "(1)although they can be applied to deliver a counterfactual reading, they can never ensure a counterfactual reading;", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Typology of Languages with Counterfactual Expressions", "sec_num": "3" }, { "text": "(2) the counterfactuality delivered by them can be easily cancelled by inserting another sentence behind;", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Typology of Languages with Counterfactual Expressions", "sec_num": "3" }, { "text": "(3)counterfactuality can be expressed in absense of the CFE markers. According to Dahl(1997) , the life cycle of the CF markers is a repeated evolution from CFE markers to CF markers. At the first stage in that the markers are restrained to past time reference (a),imply couterfactuality in the strict sense (dependence on a condition known to be false)(b), are optional(c). Then, the constraints such as the temporal condition on its use would be gradually relaxed, like in English \"If he had been alive next year, he would have been 200 years old.\" The counterfactuality constraint will be relaxed once the construction has become possible with non-past reference. Davies(1979) offers the following sentences as an apparent example of a noncounterfactual use of the \"if pluperfect+would\" constructions: If John had been at the scene of the crime at the time when the murder was committed, Mary would have seen him leaving. So we must get hold of her to find out if she didn't see him. If the counterfactuality cannot be sufficiently expressed, a new cycle from CFE markers to CF markers starts again from the beginning. Therefore, in some languages, CFs are expressed through many layers of CF markers.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 82, "end": 92, "text": "Dahl(1997)", "ref_id": "BIBREF8" }, { "start": 667, "end": 679, "text": "Davies(1979)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Typology of Languages with Counterfactual Expressions", "sec_num": "3" }, { "text": "The life cycle of CFs' markers nicely shows some potential language universals in that counterfactual thinking is shared by the world languages. However, the development of the CFs' markers is subject to the characteristics of the languages. Chinese, lacking of inflectional morphemes, shows many restrictions in forming a CF marker, therefore is less developed than other inflectional languages in counterfactual expressions.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Typology of Languages with Counterfactual Expressions", "sec_num": "3" } ], "back_matter": [ { "text": "Kundi napakalayo ng Maynila, papag-aaralin ko sana siya roon. If-not-that very-far Case Manila cause-study I SANA him there. If Manila weren't so far away, I'd send him to study there. (Nevins, 2002) Conjunction kung\u2026sana in Tagalog can express counterfactuality with no exception, but it has to be combined with the negation particle hindi, surfacing as kundi\u2026sana (Schacter & Otanes, 1983) . Likewise, Tagalog has a dedicated CF marker but it is also restricted to the negative sentences.", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 185, "end": 199, "text": "(Nevins, 2002)", "ref_id": "BIBREF20" }, { "start": 366, "end": 391, "text": "(Schacter & Otanes, 1983)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "annex", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "If a language has only one layer of CF marker, it must be the mood category including the irrealis marker, imaginative marker or unreal marker and so on. Different from the above languages, the mood category can mark the counterfactual without any restrictions. if SUBJ John die.IMPF-PST with he.INSTR be-PST SUBJ doctor If John were dying, the doctor would be with him. (Halpert & Karawani, 2012) 3.5 CF 3 languages As its name implies, CF3 Languages refer to the languages with 3 layers of CF markers. According to ", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 371, "end": 397, "text": "(Halpert & Karawani, 2012)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "CF 1 languages", "sec_num": "3.3" } ], "bib_entries": { "BIBREF0": { "ref_id": "b0", "title": "Chinese and English counterfactuals: The Sapir-Whorf hypothesis revisited", "authors": [ { "first": "T", "middle": [], "last": "Au", "suffix": "" } ], "year": 1983, "venue": "", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "Au,T. 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Language Science 22:27-61.", "links": null } }, "ref_entries": { "FIGREF0": { "num": null, "type_str": "figure", "uris": null, "text": "Figure 1 The Life Cycle of the Counterfactual Marking" }, "TABREF0": { "content": "", "text": "zao zhidao ni shi zheyang de ren, early know 2SG be this CLASS PTCL person, wo jiu buhui jiagei ni. 1SG then NEG-MDL Marry for 2SG If I had known that you were of this sort, I would not have married you.", "num": null, "type_str": "table", "html": null }, "TABREF7": { "content": "
", "text": "If you came (had come) here just now, you would see (have seen) the wall painting. b. ruguo ni gangcai(past) mei(NEG) jiaozhu ta , ta xianzai jiu yijing zai xianchang le. If you had not stopped him just now, he would have been at the site.", "num": null, "type_str": "table", "html": null }, "TABREF12": { "content": "
", "text": "a.If I had been there at the time, I would have seen the thief.", "num": null, "type_str": "table", "html": null }, "TABREF13": { "content": "
b.Ruguo ni(you) zuotian qule xuexiao, jiu hui
kanjian xuexiao menkou de diaoxiang.
then will see school gate PTCL statue
If you (had gone) did go to school yesterday, you
would (have seen) see the statue at the school gate.
c.Ruguo wo(I) zuotian qule xuexiao,
jiu hui kanjian xuexiao menkou de diaoxiang.
If I had gone to school yesterday, I would have
seen the statue at the school gate.
", "text": "a.Ruguo ta(he) zuotian(past) qule xuexiao, jiu hui kanjian xuexiao menkou de diaoxiang. If he did go to school yesterday, he would see the statue at the school gate.'", "num": null, "type_str": "table", "html": null }, "TABREF18": { "content": "
(23)
a. * geithhi fod wedi aros.
May.PRES.3SG she be PF stay
She can/may=permission have stayed.
b. * allo fod weidi pasio 'r lori.
Can.PRES.3SG he be PF pass the lorry
He can have passed the lorry.
(Jones, 2010)
The appearance of genuine perfect may enhance the
degree of hypotheticality, but cannot ensure a
counterfactual reading, like in Old Icelandic
languages:
", "text": "\u01a4\u00e1 gruna\u00f0i Vani at AEsir mundi hafa falsat \u01a4\u00e1\u00ed mannaskiptinu Then the Vanir suspected that the AEsir must have played them false in exchange of men.", "num": null, "type_str": "table", "html": null }, "TABREF25": { "content": "
(37) Indo-European >Germanic >English
a.He noere na oelmihtig, gif him oenig gefadung earfo\u00f0e
woere.
he not-were(SUBJ) no almighty if him any order
difficult were(SUBJ)
He would not be almighty if any order were difficult
for him to maintain
(AEDT 80 Early 11 th c.)
Fake Past combined with subjunctive mood was
applied in old and middle English to mark CFs. Then
perfect gradually entered into the CF conditionals in
13th century, like:
b.War mi hare schorn, I war noght \u00fean stranger \u00fean a-
no\u00feer man. Were my hair shorn I were not then
stronger than another man
If my hair were shorn, I wouldn't be stronger than
anybody else.
(Cursor Mundi 7211, 1340)
It was not until mid-fourteenth century that the
bleached modal (wolde-would) occurred in the
CFconditionals,
c. For had he knowen hit biforn A childe of a
for had he known it before a childe of a
mayden born Wolde he neuer haue \u0292yuen to
maiden born would he never have given to
rede \u00feat iesu crist shulde haue ben dede
advice that Jesus Christ should have been dead
For if he had known before about a child born of a
virgin, he would never have suggested that
JesusChrist should die.
(Trinity MS Cursor Mundi, 10787, c1400)
", "text": "Therefore, in the modern English, CF conditionals are marked through 3 layers of CF markers, like: d.If he had not come here, this would not have happened. PF.PAST MOD Similar evidence can be found in other Indo-European languages, like (38) Indo-European >Romance >French Si Pierre partait demain, il arriverait l\u00e0-bas le lendemain If Pierre left.PAST.IMPF tomorrow he MOD arrive there the next.day If Pierre left tomorrow, he would arrive there the next day.", "num": null, "type_str": "table", "html": null } } } }