| { | |
| "paper_id": "Y96-1001", | |
| "header": { | |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", | |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:38:23.250819Z" | |
| }, | |
| "title": "Classifiers and Semantic Type Coercion: Motivating a New Classification of Classifiers'", | |
| "authors": [ | |
| { | |
| "first": "Kathleen", | |
| "middle": [], | |
| "last": "Ahrens", | |
| "suffix": "", | |
| "affiliation": { | |
| "laboratory": "", | |
| "institution": "National Taiwan University", | |
| "location": {} | |
| }, | |
| "email": "ahrens@cc.ntu.edu.tw" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "first": "Chu-Ren", | |
| "middle": [], | |
| "last": "Huang", | |
| "suffix": "", | |
| "affiliation": {}, | |
| "email": "" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "year": "", | |
| "venue": null, | |
| "identifiers": {}, | |
| "abstract": "This paper argues that the traditional view that nouns refer only to classic individuals is inadequate. Instead, we argue that nouns are coerced by different types of classifiers to refer to kinds and events as well as to individuals. This finding is important because 1) the semantics of nouns involves more than just individuals, and 2) it is the first time that the previously abstract semantic distinctions between kinds, individuals and events is found to be instantiated in a particular system of a natural language grammar, namely, the classifier system.", | |
| "pdf_parse": { | |
| "paper_id": "Y96-1001", | |
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| "abstract": [ | |
| { | |
| "text": "This paper argues that the traditional view that nouns refer only to classic individuals is inadequate. Instead, we argue that nouns are coerced by different types of classifiers to refer to kinds and events as well as to individuals. This finding is important because 1) the semantics of nouns involves more than just individuals, and 2) it is the first time that the previously abstract semantic distinctions between kinds, individuals and events is found to be instantiated in a particular system of a natural language grammar, namely, the classifier system.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Abstract", | |
| "sec_num": null | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "body_text": [ | |
| { | |
| "text": "There have been two views of categorizing measure words in Mandarin Chinese. The traditional view does not differentiate measure words from classifiers. For example, Chao (1968:584-620) refers to classifiers as individual measures, and subsumes them under the rubric of \"measure words\". Li and Thompson (1981:106) state that \"any measure word can be a classifier.\" More recently Tai (1990) has pointed out that there is an important distinction between the two notions in that classifiers can only classify over a limited and specific group of nouns, while measure words can be used as a measure for a wide variety of nouns. His definition is as follows: 'A classifier categorizes a class of nouns by picking out some salient perceptual properties, whether physically or functionally based, which are permanently associated with the entities named by the class of nouns; a measure word does not categorize but denotes the quantity of the entity named by a noun.' Underlying the concept that a classifier categorizes a class of nouns based on permanent perceptual properties is the idea that the basic semantic function of nouns is to refer to classic individuals. In what follows we will show that it is inadequate to only allow nouns to refer to classic individuals, and that instead nouns can be coerced by different types of classifiers to refer to kinds and events as well as to individuals. This finding is important not only for its emphasis in understanding the semantics of nouns to be more than just having to do with individuals, but also because it is the first time that the previously abstract semantic distinctions between kinds, individuals and events has been found to be instantiated in a particular system of a natural language grammar, namely, the classifier system.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 166, | |
| "end": 185, | |
| "text": "Chao (1968:584-620)", | |
| "ref_id": null | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 287, | |
| "end": 313, | |
| "text": "Li and Thompson (1981:106)", | |
| "ref_id": null | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 379, | |
| "end": 389, | |
| "text": "Tai (1990)", | |
| "ref_id": null | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "The kind reading of Mandarin bare NPs is one of the most difficult to account for among a wide range of possible semantic interpretations (I a). Although the kind reading is previously thought to be one of the generic reading typical of bare nominals (Carlson 1977 , Chierchia 1982 , it does occur with a subset of classifiers in Mandarin (lb, from Huang (1989) ). 2", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 251, | |
| "end": 264, | |
| "text": "(Carlson 1977", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 265, | |
| "end": 281, | |
| "text": ", Chierchia 1982", | |
| "ref_id": null | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 349, | |
| "end": 361, | |
| "text": "Huang (1989)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "The Kind Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "2." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(1)a. you bi mao da dog compare cat big Dogs are bigger than cats. [preferred reading]' OR 'This dog is bigger than this cat.' b. zhe-zhong ma zai huabei hen changjian this-CLS KD horse at China-north very common-see\u01f9 This kind of horse is very commonly seen in Northern China.' c. zhe-zhong dongwu bi na-zhong dongwu da this-CLS KD animal Comp that-CLS_KD animal big This kind of animals are bigger than that kind of animals.'", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "The Kind Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "2." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "With the kind reading exemplified in (1), it is important to note that the NPs do not refer to any specific individual. Hence (1 a) does not logically entail that a specific dog is bigger than a specific cat, contrary to the prediction of an account where the bare NP refers to either an individual animal or some subset of the animals. The same semantic effect is achieved when the kind meaning is marked by a classifier. (lb) does not entail that any specific individual horse is in north China, nor does it entail that a majority of this kind of horse is there. The fact that (lc) serves as a paraphrase of (la) also supports our observation that the existence of classifiers such as zhong3 achieve the same semantic effect of kind reading. The free variation of Mandarin nouns between kind and individual readings is accounted for with type-shifting (Huang 1989 , Chierchia et al. 1989 . It is interesting to observe, however, that the use of the classifier zhong3 in (lb&c) entails that there is obligatory type-shifting and the sentence is unambiguous with the kind reading.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 854, | |
| "end": 865, | |
| "text": "(Huang 1989", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 866, | |
| "end": 889, | |
| "text": ", Chierchia et al. 1989", | |
| "ref_id": null | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "The Kind Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "2." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "As observed above, a kind classifier explicitly marks that the nominal element that it selects has a kind reading. If there was only one kind classifier, then one could argue that the notion of kind, like shape or dimension, is just one of the salient perceptual concepts utilized in the classifier system of the language. In this scenario, the kind reading is just one of the nominal semantic features picked by the classifier. In fact, we will show that there is a whole set of different kind classifiers selecting different semantic kinds. This fact suggests that kind is treated as a primary semantic type which is ascribed to nominals and allows subtyping selection by classifiers. Thus the Mandarin classifier system will offer the first known evidence that the semantic notion of kind is grammaticalized in a language.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Kind Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "2.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "In addition to the mostly commonly used zhong3, there are at least eleven more kind classifiers including: lei4 'class, genre,' yang4 'type,' shi4 `style,' kuan3 'style, design,' ma3(zi) 'kind,' and dang3(zi) 'kind'. All these kind classifiers have the following common grammatical characteristics: they select a broad class of nouns, unlike the highly idiosyncratic selection of the individual classifiers. Semantically, this follows from the fact that kind classifiers select the kinds represented by nouns, not the individuals referred by them. Hence, the natural kind delimited by certain noun classes would be selected by the appropriate kind classifier. Thus lei4 selects the kinds defined by properties over concrete objects, lei4 can also refer to a kind defined by a collection of smaller kinds; yang4 selects the kinds defined by shape and outlook; shi4 is. similar to yang4 with the emphasis that the outlook is artificially styled; kuan3 selects the kinds defined by intensive design; and lastly, ma3 and dang3 select events. This leaves zhong3 as the neutral kind classifier, not unlike the neutral individual classifier ge (Ahrens 1994) , but even more prominently so since it co-occurs with virtually all nouns, concrete or abstract.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 1137, | |
| "end": 1150, | |
| "text": "(Ahrens 1994)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Kind Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "2.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(2)a. zhei san lei shiwu dou shi richang bixu de this three CLS KD food all be daily required D\u00c8 All these three types of food are daily requirements.' b. to dai-le san yang shuiguo lai kan ni s/he bring-PERF three CLS KD fruit come see yo\u00f9 S/He brought three kinds of fruit to see you.' c. fengtian jinnian tuichu-le Jiang kuan xinche Toyota this-year push-out-PERF two CLS-KD new-car Toyota has brought out two lines of new cars this year.' d.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Kind Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "2.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "xunlian he bisai wanquan shi Jiang mazi shi training and competition total be two CLS KD matter Training and actually playing are two totally different matters.'", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Kind Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "2.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "The four sentences above exemplify some of the usages of the kind classifiers. Note that kind classifiers in all these four instances can be replaced by the neutral classifier zhong3, but not by the neutral individual classifier ge. This further supports the position that kind classifiers form a class by themselves and are different from the individual classifiers. Also note that, like other Mandarin classifiers, all the instances of kind classifiers in (2) involve the numeral-classifier constructions, which shows that kinds are individuated and enumerated.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Kind Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "2.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "In sum, we have shown in this section that kind classifiers form an integral class within the Mandarin classifier system. They individuate and classify the different kind readings that can be obtained from nominal semantics. Thus we have shown that the notion of kind is not only crucial to theories of nominal semantics, but is also attested by the grammatical system of a natural language.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Kind Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "2.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "In this section, we will show that the Mandarin classifier system contains a sub-class that selects another theoretically significant entity: i.e. event-type entities. Chierchia (1982) was one of the first semanticians to propose that events and activities could be referred to as entities. He studied nominalization and the English gerund system and demonstrated that the grammatical system marks the type-shifting from events to event-type entities (i.e. names of the events.)", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 178, | |
| "end": 184, | |
| "text": "(1982)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(3) Seeing is believing.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "In 3, that the gerund 'seeing' refers to a certain type of event as is obvious from its verbal derivation. Thus the semantics of nominalization is treated by Chierchia as type-shifting which individuates the events. In Mandarin, however, not only is no morpho-lexical marking involved when the event-type nominal is deverbal, it is also possible to coerce an event type reading from a noun without any derivation. We will show in this section that the event classifiers coerce just such an effect. Since there will be no marking on the nouns, it is necessary to develop tests for event-type entities to prove that the classifier-noun phrase does have an event reading. It should be noted that event-type nominals have eventive semantics, such as event structures. The semantic (not syntactic) nature of events are that they are temporally anchored, and that they take arguments. Thus, the semantic tests we have for event-type nominals are that they occur as temporal delimiters, and that they allow oblique arguments. Two additional syntactic tests are that they satisfy the subcategorization requirement of predicates which take event-type arguments, and that they cannot be replaced by the neutral individual classifier ge.", | |
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| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "First, an event cannot take place without a time frame, either a temporal point of its occurrences or a (relative) time duration of its existence. Thus, temporal reference is an integral part of the semantics of events, including event-type nominals. The individual classifiers, on the other hand, do not carry temporal reference in their semantics. Thus, an important grammatical characteristics of event-type nominals is that they co-occur with temporal subordinator's, such as yi3hou4 (without any predicates) to establish the temporal (and causal) sequence of events. (4a) shows that how such temporal sequence is established with a full clause. In (4b) we show that when the classifier tango is used, the noun taijiquan `TaiChi boxing' can refer to the event without any overt predicate. Second, it is well-known that event-type nominals preserve their argument structure and take (oblique) arguments, such as the English possessive 'John's promotion' or 'Mary's leaving early'. In Mandarin, a deverbal noun can take a possessive (encliticized with de), or preceding oblique arguments, such as the underlined NP's in (5a).", | |
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| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(5)a. Zhangsan dui Lisi de jianyi Zhangsan TO Lisi DE suggestio\u01f9 Zhangsan's suggestion/advice for Lisi (i.e. Zhangsan advised Lisi)' b. zhongtong de yi-tong dianhua president DE one-CLS_EV telephon\u00e8 a call from the President (i.e. the President made the phone call)'", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "In (5b), it is shown that when an event classifier is used, the nominal head takes an event reading and the possessor is interpreted as an argument of the head.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "Last, it can be shown in Mandarin that the event reading is selected by a few small classes of verbs, such as light verbs jin4xing2 `to proceed' (Huang et al. 1995) , happenstance verbs falshengl `to happen', and event-evaluation verbs hual `to cost'. For instance, hual takes a nominal subject that refers directly to an event (6a), or a clause describing an event (6b).", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 145, | |
| "end": 164, | |
| "text": "(Huang et al. 1995)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(6)a. xishi hen hua qian happy-event very cost mone\u1ef3 Weddings cost a lot.' b. jiehun hen hua qian marry very cost mone\u1ef3 It costs a lot to get married.'", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "In (7b), we show that the same semantic selection can be satisfied when an event classifier is used. Thus, it supports our position that event classifiers selects event-type nominals.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(7)a. dianying hen hua qian movie very cost mone\u1ef3 It is very expensive (to make/finance/watch/...) movies' b. zhe-chang dianying bu hua qian this-CLSEV movie Neg cost mone\u1ef3 It did not cost any money to see this movie.'", | |
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| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "In addition, (7a) also shows that the event reading can be coerced from a bare NP. However, when a bare NP is coerced, the actual event is underspecified and may have a wide range of interpretations. In (7b), we show that when the event meaning is coerced by a classifier, it also determines the event-type. In other words, the semantic coercion fits the classical description of what a classifiers do. The event classifiers force the event reading by classifying the event into a specific type. In (7b), chang3 refers to scheduled and regularly occurring events.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "To sum up, we have demonstrated with two semantic tests and two syntactic tests that event classifiers do coerce the event readings on the nouns that they co-occur with. We will discuss in more detail the semantics of the event classifiers in the next section.", | |
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| "section": "The Event Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "Pustejovsky's (1995) theory of a Generative Lexicon proposes that the semantics of nouns cannot be completely represented without referring to two different event-structures encoded in the qualia structure of each lexical entry. The Agentive role of a noun is defined in terms of an event structure describing how this noun 'originated'. The Telic role is defined in terms of an event structure describing the function of the noun. His point is that polysemy cannot be accounted for if these two aspects of a noun are not considered.", | |
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| "section": "Event Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "Adopting Pustejovsky's position, the fact that certain classifiers can coerce event readings from nouns that are prototypically interpreted as individuals is not surprising, since their semantic representation already contains event structure information. Since these event structures are idiosyncratically encoded, we also correctly predict that the selection between event classifiers and their head nouns are more restrictive than kind classifiers. We will further classify the event classifiers into the event-type classifiers, which individuate different event structures, and the event-token classifiers, which individuate each occurrence of an event.", | |
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| "section": "Event Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "There are 32 event classifiers in Huang and Chen (to appear). Among these event classifiers, the event-type classifiers are more specialized since they select a particular event type. For instance, the event-type classifier chul selects the nouns whose heads are either jut 'drama' or xi4 'play'.", | |
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| "section": "Event Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(8)a. shashibiya daodi gong xie-le ji-chu xi? Shakespeare eventually together write-PREF how_many-CLS_EV pla\u1ef3 How many plays did Shakespeare write all together?' b. bailaohui jinnian zhi yan-le yi-chu gewuju Broadway thisyear only play-PERF one-CLS_EV musical Only one musical (e.g. Cats) was shown at Broadway all year this year.'", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Event Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "The two sentences above have agentive (8a) and telic (8b) readings respectively, suggesting that these event readings are coerced from the Pustejovskian qualia structure. They al so clearly show that chu I individuates event-types. In contrast, when an event-token classifier is used, the same noun will refer to the occurrences of the event.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Event Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(9) bailaohui jinnian gong yan-le yibai-chang gewuju Broadway thisyear together play-PERF 100-CLS_EV musical Broadway had one hundred showings of musicals this year.'", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Event Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "The event-token classifier chang3 selects a scheduled event. Thus (9) claims that musicals were shown 100 times at Broadway without referring to whether the same play were shown, while (8b) claims that only one play was shown without claiming to how many times it was shown.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Event Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "Even though event-types and event-tokens are semantically distinct entities and the classification is supported by the two unambiguous cases given above, we do find that in many cases the same classifier will be polysemous with both event-type (10a) and event token readings (10b).", | |
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| "section": "Event Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(10)a. Changrong you shi ban feiji fei gaoxiung EVA has 10 CLS EV airplane fly Kaohsiung EVA has ten scheduled flightsto Kaohsiung .' b. Changrong gang fei-zou-le san ban feiji EVA just fly-away-PERF 3 CLS_EV airplan\u00e8 Three EVA flights just took off'", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Event Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "In sum, our semantic account of the event classifiers in this section suggests that event classifiers can adopt the event information encoded in qualia structures to define both Agentive and Telic roles and coerce the semantics into agentive or telic events. We also show that the semantics of event classifiers can be further distinguished as referring to either the event type or event tokens.", | |
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| "section": "Event Classifiers and Their Semantics", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1." | |
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| { | |
| "text": "The individual reading is the most common aspect of classifier usage. 11 It has been noted above that the usage of kind and event classifiers coerce a semantic type shifting, from the usual individual reading to a kind or event reading. What is also important to note is that the individual reading, also allows for a semantic type shifting. That is, the selection of a classifier can emphasize different semantic properties of the noun. For example, in (11) the use of the classifier ben is the usual specific classifier used for books. There is a contrast however in meaning between (11a) and (1 lb). Ben refers to individual books, while bu refers to both individual books as well as to the content of the individual books. Thus, in the case of (11a) the three books may (or may not) be three copies of 'War and Peace'. However, in the case of (1 lb) it is certainly the case that the three books are all different in terms of their content. Another interesting example of individual classifiers creating a semantic type shifting is given in (12). xian4 selects a line-like object, including the more abstract meaning of lines of communication. Thus we can see that with the same noun dianhua, (12a) has the Formal role of telephone as an object while (12b) represents the Telic role of telephone as a tool to connect to telephone lines. Thus, we show both that individual classifiers, like the other more abstract classifiers, can coerce nominal semantic types, and that the semantic coercion can be predicted through a well encoded qualia structure.", | |
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| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "The Individual Reading", | |
| "sec_num": "4." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "We have demonstrated above that it is inadequate to limit the classifier system to refer only to individuals. An important motivation in studying classifiers from the point of view suggested above is the realization that even seemingly straightforward referential nominals have complex semantic contents, as suggested by the above data and recent studies on nominal lexical semantics (Pustejovsky 1993 (Pustejovsky , 1995 . In fact, the semantics of nouns are more complicated than one might suspect. As we have shown above, Mandarin Chinese offers one of the most dramatic illustrations since its nouns can have very different meanings without any additional morphological markings. Our main generalization is summarized below. Three of the possible meanings of the noun dian4hua4 'telephone' can be brought out by the use of different classifiers, as given in Table 1 below. The implications for this new tripartite classification of classifiers are threefold: first, it explains why the kind reading in Mandarin Chinese, while it can be understood as a generic reading typical of bare nominals, also occurs with a subset of classifiers, and is a semantic type in and of itself. Second, the previously abstract semantic distinctions between kinds, individuals and events are now found to be instantiated in one particular aspect of a natural language grammar, thus, suggesting that these semantic types are useful categorizing tools for humans (and not just semanticists), and that these concepts are encoded on a cognitive level. Finally, this classification allows us to a take a fresh look at the complex semantic contents of nouns, and at the interaction and coercion that takes place between classifiers and nouns.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 384, | |
| "end": 401, | |
| "text": "(Pustejovsky 1993", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 402, | |
| "end": 421, | |
| "text": "(Pustejovsky , 1995", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 862, | |
| "end": 869, | |
| "text": "Table 1", | |
| "ref_id": "TABREF2" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Conclusion", | |
| "sec_num": "5." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "In future studies, we hope our findings will help us to better understand the interaction of semantic meanings among kinds, individuals, and generics (Carlson and Pelletier 1995, Chierchia 1996) . In particular, based on the readily availability of kind reading, either with bare plurals in all languages or with kind classifiers in Chinese, we suspect that kind role should be part of the nominal qualia structure in the theory of a Generative Lexicon. With regard to the event readings of nominals, even though the present theory of qualia structure does offer an possible account of how these readings can be obtained from the lexical semantics of the nominals, more thorough studies will shed light on whether the Agentive and Telic events are the only events that are necessary to be encoded in nominal semantics as well as on how these event readings are selected.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 150, | |
| "end": 162, | |
| "text": "(Carlson and", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 163, | |
| "end": 194, | |
| "text": "Pelletier 1995, Chierchia 1996)", | |
| "ref_id": null | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Conclusion", | |
| "sec_num": "5." | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "back_matter": [ | |
| { | |
| "text": "'Research on this paper is based on the corpus-based analysis and compilation of the new classifier and noun-classifier collocation dictionary (Huang and Chen to appear, Chang et al. 1996) . We would like to thank our colleagues at CKIF', especially Keh-jiann Chen and Lili Chang, for their stimulating ideas and discussion. This research could not have been done without the thorough and in-depth analysis provided by the dictionary. Any possible errors, however, are our responsibilities.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 170, | |
| "end": 188, | |
| "text": "Chang et al. 1996)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Endnotes:", | |
| "sec_num": null | |
| } | |
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| "ref_entries": { | |
| "FIGREF0": { | |
| "uris": null, | |
| "num": null, | |
| "type_str": "figure", | |
| "text": "exemplifies two of the over 180 individual classifiers in Chen and Huang (to Appear). (11)a. Zhangsan mai-le san-ben-shu Zhangsan buy-ASP three-CL IN-book Zhangsan bought three books.' b. Zhangsan mai-le san-bu-shu Zhangsan buy-ASP three-CL IN-book Zhangsan bought three (different) books.'" | |
| }, | |
| "TABREF0": { | |
| "num": null, | |
| "html": null, | |
| "content": "<table><tr><td>b. san-tang</td><td colspan=\"4\">taijiquan yihou to shenti shufu</td><td>duo le</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>three-</td><td/><td/><td/><td/><td/><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>(4)a. da-le</td><td colspan=\"4\">taijiquan yihou to shenti shufu</td><td>duo le</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"6\">play-LE Tai_Chi after s/he body comfortable more LE</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>`S/he</td><td>feels</td><td>much</td><td>better</td><td>after</td><td>doing</td><td>Tai</td><td>Chi.'</td></tr></table>", | |
| "type_str": "table", | |
| "text": "CLS EV Tai_Chi after s/he body comfortable more L\u00c8 S/he feels much better after (performing) three rounds ofTai Chi.'" | |
| }, | |
| "TABREF1": { | |
| "num": null, | |
| "html": null, | |
| "content": "<table><tr><td>a. bangongshi-li you san-ju</td><td>dianhua</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">office-IN has 3-CLS IN telephon\u00e8</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">There are three telephone sets in the office. [i.e. three pieces of machinery]'</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">b. bangongshi-li you san-xian dianhua</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">office-IN has 3-CLS IN telephon\u00e8</td></tr></table>", | |
| "type_str": "table", | |
| "text": "There are three telephone lines in the office. [i.e. three telephone numbers]' Both ju4 and xian4 are individual classifiers. However, ju selects machinery while" | |
| }, | |
| "TABREF2": { | |
| "num": null, | |
| "html": null, | |
| "content": "<table><tr><td>Individual</td><td>yi-ju</td><td>dian-hua</td><td>telephone machiner\u1ef3</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">one-CLSIN telephone</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>a telephone'</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>Kind</td><td>yi-zhong</td><td>dian-hua</td><td>a particular kind of</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">one-CLS_KD telephone</td><td>phone, e.g. cordless</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">a kind of telephone'</td><td/></tr><tr><td>Event</td><td>yi-tong</td><td>dian-hua</td><td>the completed event</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">one-CLS_EV telephone</td><td>of calling</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">.`a phone call'</td><td/></tr></table>", | |
| "type_str": "table", | |
| "text": "Classifier and Nominal Semantic Type Correlation Semantic/Classifier Type Example Reference" | |
| } | |
| } | |
| } | |
| } |