| { | |
| "paper_id": "Y95-1009", | |
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| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", | |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:39:01.116476Z" | |
| }, | |
| "title": "Scrambling in German -Extraction into the Mittelfeld", | |
| "authors": [ | |
| { | |
| "first": "Stefan", | |
| "middle": [], | |
| "last": "Mailer", | |
| "suffix": "", | |
| "affiliation": { | |
| "laboratory": "", | |
| "institution": "Humboldt Universitat zu Berlin", | |
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| }, | |
| "email": "" | |
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| "abstract": "German is a language with a relatively free word order. During the last few years considerable efforts have been made in all syntactic frameworks to explain so-called scrambling phenomena. In the following paper, I deal with some tough cases of German word order which cannot be described by assuming flat sentence structures or word order domains. The phenomena discussed are PP complements of nouns and adjectives, which can appear separated from their heads in the German Mittelfeld, and stranded prepositions. The similarity to fronting of these elements is used to explain these phenomena by a generalized version of the head-filler schema used in the standard HPSG framework.", | |
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| "text": "German is a language with a relatively free word order. During the last few years considerable efforts have been made in all syntactic frameworks to explain so-called scrambling phenomena. In the following paper, I deal with some tough cases of German word order which cannot be described by assuming flat sentence structures or word order domains. The phenomena discussed are PP complements of nouns and adjectives, which can appear separated from their heads in the German Mittelfeld, and stranded prepositions. The similarity to fronting of these elements is used to explain these phenomena by a generalized version of the head-filler schema used in the standard HPSG framework.", | |
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| "section": "Abstract", | |
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| "text": "There are two basic ideas how to describe scrambling in languages with relatively free constituent order in certain syntactic domains. Firstly, one can assume that a kind of movement takes place, i.e., there is a position in a string where something is missing (a trace) and there is a corresponding position at another location in the string where the missing constituent appears. The alternative is to allow constituents to appear in any order in some particular domain. This domain usually is the domain of the head of a phrase. In HPSG [4] , order variation is commonly associated with ordering variations among sister constituents in a flat structure.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 540, | |
| "end": 543, | |
| "text": "[4]", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "This concept was extended by Mike Reape [6] to allow for complex domain formation operations which-in his approach-are driven by a feature called UNIONED. In the combination of signs, a functor can specify the UNIONED value of its arguments. The functor is either the head in a head-complement structure or the adjunct in a head-adjunct structure. If one allows adjuncts to domain-union with their heads, the fact that adjuncts can appear at any position between complements in the Mittelfeld can be accounted for.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 40, | |
| "end": 43, | |
| "text": "[6]", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" | |
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| "ref_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "In the following, I will give an account that employs both word order domains and the NONLOCAL-mechanism provided by HPSG. I will not use the UNIONEDfeature suggested by Reape since it can be shown that the clause union phenomena which Reape describes with domain-union can be accounted for with argument attraction along the lines of Hinrichs and Nakazawa [1] .", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 357, | |
| "end": 360, | |
| "text": "[1]", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" | |
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| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1" | |
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| { | |
| "text": "*e-mail: stef an.ecomp3.ing . hu-berl in . de t Thanks to Frank Keller and Andreas Kathol for comments on an earlier version of this paper. The full version of this paper is available via WWW http://www.compling.huberlin.de/\"stefan/PS/scrambling.ps.gz", | |
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| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1" | |
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| "text": "The German main sentence is partitioned into at least four topological fields: Vorfeld, linke Satzklammer (finite verb), Mittelfeld and rechte Satzklammer or Verbalkomplex (verb cluster). Sentences with a verb in second position are assumed to be derived from sentences with verb-initial position by fronting of one constituent. It is possible to front almost all kinds of constituents. In (1) Whereas the fronting of one constituent is usually explained by HPSG's NON-LOCAL mechanism, the free order of the complements of the verb in the Mittelfeld is standardly explained by allowing the complements of one head to appear in an arbitrary order. The restrictions on this order are factored out of the dominance rules. The restrictions for complements of verbs are very weak, so in (3) all permutations of the complements of geben are allowed.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 390, | |
| "end": 393, | |
| "text": "(1)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" | |
| } | |
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| "section": "Phenomena", | |
| "sec_num": "2" | |
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| "text": "(3) Deshalb gab der Mann der Frau das Buch. Therefore gave the man the woman the book Therefore the man gave the book to the woman.' (4b) shows that preposition stranding is possible in certain cases. Therefore has Karl this an argument against advanced Therefore Karl has advanced an argument against this.'", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Phenomena", | |
| "sec_num": "2" | |
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| "text": "The sentences in (6) are not accounted for by the standard HPSG approach. The elements that are scrambled into the Mittelfeld are not complements of a verb but rather complements of nouns, prepositions or adjectives. In the following, I will argue that all these sentences can be analyzed as instances of leftward movement by means of the NONLOC-mechanism provided by HPSG.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Phenomena", | |
| "sec_num": "2" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "3 The Analysis", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Phenomena", | |
| "sec_num": "2" | |
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| "text": "Instead of having 2 or 3 schemata for combining heads with their complements like Pollard and Sag [4] , I use only one very general head-complement schema. It admits exactly one complement in the COMP-DTRS list, which leads to binary branching structures. It is clear that it would not be of much use to be able to order the head daughter and the members of the COMP-DTRS list with respect to each other because this would not be sufficient to account for the scrambling of complements (see sentence (3)).", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 98, | |
| "end": 101, | |
| "text": "[4]", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" | |
| } | |
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| "ref_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Schemata and Domain Formation", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "To allow for scrambling, complements are inserted into the domain of their heads by the following implication:", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Schemata and Domain Formation", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1" | |
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| "text": "The 0 is the shuffle relation as used by Reape [6] . The shuffle relation holds between three lists A, B, and C iff C contains all elements of A and B and the order of the elements of A and the order of elements of B is preserved in C. So if a and b are elements of A and a precedes b in A it has to precede b in C too.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 47, | |
| "end": 50, | |
| "text": "[6]", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Schemata and Domain Formation", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1" | |
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| "text": "The PHON value of a phrasal sign is the concatenation of the PHON values of its domain elements. PHON In (8) G. corresponds to the append relation. The positioning of one constituent in the Vorfeld is usually accounted for by a head-filler schema which is similar to schema 6 of Pollard and Sag [4] .", | |
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| "start": 97, | |
| "end": 101, | |
| "text": "PHON", | |
| "ref_id": null | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 295, | |
| "end": 298, | |
| "text": "[4]", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Schemata and Domain Formation", | |
| "sec_num": "3.1" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "For the stranded preposition gegen, I assume the lexical entry in (9), which is generated by a lexical rule from the lexical entry for the preposition gegen.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Stranded Prepositions", | |
| "sec_num": "3.2" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "PHON ( gegen ) (9) NONLOC [ INHERI SLASH ( R-PRONOUN ) lexical-sign", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Stranded Prepositions", | |
| "sec_num": "3.2" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "The LOCAL value of an R-pronoun is contained in the SLASH list (I assume the value of SLASH to be a list rather then a set for German, since there are no parasitic gaps in German. Sets as used in [4] would only complicate the NONLOCAL mechanism in a grammar for German.) and can percolate to the top of a finite verbal projection where it can be bound in filler position. Note that da is never a complement of gegen. It is either contained in the word (dagegen) or it is an element of the SLASH list.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 196, | |
| "end": 199, | |
| "text": "[4]", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 452, | |
| "end": 461, | |
| "text": "(dagegen)", | |
| "ref_id": null | |
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| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Stranded Prepositions", | |
| "sec_num": "3.2" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "As the output description of the preposition stranding lexical rule further instantiates the extracted element and therefore only allows for the extraction of R-pronouns, the difference between (4b) and (5a) is explained.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Stranded Prepositions", | |
| "sec_num": "3.2" | |
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| { | |
| "text": "The sentences in (6) have in common that a member of a nonverbal complement's SLASH list appears together with this complement in the domain of the verb. This can be accounted for by schema 1. In this schema, the valence of the head daughter is reduced by one element, specifically the element given as the value of the COMP-DTRS list. This complement has a non-empty SLASH list. One element of the SLASH list is identical to the LOCAL value of the SCRAMBLE-_ DTR ( 1 ) . This element of the SLASH list of the complement daughter is bound by the NONLOCAL-feature principle because the TO-BINDISLASH value of the head daughter is 1 . The scramble and the complement daughter are inserted into the domain of the head daughter by another implicational constraint.", | |
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| { | |
| "start": 17, | |
| "end": 20, | |
| "text": "(6)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 464, | |
| "end": 469, | |
| "text": "( 1 )", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" | |
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| "ref_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "The SLASH-Embedding Schema", | |
| "sec_num": "3.3" | |
| }, | |
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| "text": "A unified account for scrambling in German was given. Both stranded preposition and the scrambling of PPs into the Mittelfeld have been explained by the same schema. The proposed scrambling schema is superior to both slash-to-argument attraction and domain union analyses by Kasper, Pollard and Levine [5] , which are discussed in the full version of the paper [3] . In the full version of the paper, an account with binary branching structures is given.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 302, | |
| "end": 305, | |
| "text": "[5]", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" | |
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| "section": "Conclusion", | |
| "sec_num": "4" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "The schema is part of an implemented fragment of German [2] . The fragment covers several types of word order phenomena for instance partial verb phrase ", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
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| "start": 56, | |
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| "section": "Conclusion", | |
| "sec_num": "4" | |
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| "BIBREF0": { | |
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| "content": "<table><tr><td colspan=\"5\">(6) a. , daf3 [von Michael Hanson] i jetzt nur noch [wenige Bilder</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"3\">that of Michael Hanson</td><td>now only</td><td>few pictures</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">verOffentlicht werden.</td><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">published</td><td colspan=\"2\">ar\u00e8</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"4\">that only few pictures of Michael Hansen are published.'</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">b. Deshalb hat Hans klagegenj i [ein Argument 4 ] vorgebracht.</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">Therefore has Hans against-this an argument</td><td>advanced</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"4\">Therefore Hans has advanced an argument against this.'</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">c. Ich weif3, daf3 Karl [auf seinen Sohn] gestern</td><td>sehr</td><td>stolz] war.</td></tr><tr><td>I</td><td colspan=\"4\">know that Karl of his son</td><td>yesterday very</td><td>proud was</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"4\">I know that Karl was very proud of his son yesterday.'</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">d. Deshalb hat Karl Pal i [ein Argument [gegen .j]] vorgebracht.</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">(4) a. Hans hat ein Argument dagegen</td><td>vorgebracht.</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">Hans has an argument against this advanced l-h sign o DOM rasa p h '(5) a. * [Diesen Vorschlag] i hat Hans ein Argument [gegen 4] vorgebracht. ead-complement-structure [ HEAD-DTRI DOM 1 n\u2022\u2022nn DTRS 2 nnn\u2022 (7) [DTRS COMP-DTRS</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">this proposal</td><td colspan=\"2\">has Hans an argument against advanced</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">All these frontable elements can appear disconnected from their heads in non-</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"4\">canonical positions in the Mittelfeld.</td></tr></table>", | |
| "text": "Hans has advanced an argument against this.' b. [Da] i hat Hans ein Argument [gegen _i ] vorgebracht.this has Hans an argument against advanced However, as the examples in(5) show, preposition stranding in general is ungrammatical. The stranding is restricted to very few cases where so-called R-pronouns[7] are extracted from the preposition." | |
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| "content": "<table><tr><td colspan=\"6\">Schema 1 (SLASH-Embedding Schema)</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>HEAD-DTR</td><td colspan=\"4\">SYNSEMINONLOC TO-BINDISLASH (</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td>[</td><td/><td>11</td></tr><tr><td>DTRS</td><td>COMP-DTRS</td><td colspan=\"2\">SYNSEM</td><td>LOC</td><td>CAT HEAD [</td><td>[non-verbal]]</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td colspan=\"3\">NONLOC INHERISLASH ( rl )</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td/><td>[</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td/><td>LOC</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">SCRAMBLE-DTRS</td><td colspan=\"2\">SYNSEM</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td/><td colspan=\"2\">NONLOC [INHERISLASH</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">head-scramble-structure</td><td/><td/><td/><td/><td>-</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">phrasal-sign</td><td/><td/><td/><td/><td/></tr></table>", | |
| "text": "fronting, auxiliary flip, scrambling in coherent constructions, free appearance of adjuncts in the Mittelfeld." | |
| } | |
| } | |
| } | |
| } |