| { | |
| "paper_id": "Y05-1035", | |
| "header": { | |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", | |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:39:54.965701Z" | |
| }, | |
| "title": "Predicate Composition and the Determination of Scope", | |
| "authors": [ | |
| { | |
| "first": "Kenji", | |
| "middle": [], | |
| "last": "Yokota", | |
| "suffix": "", | |
| "affiliation": { | |
| "laboratory": "", | |
| "institution": "Akita University", | |
| "location": { | |
| "addrLine": "1-1" | |
| } | |
| }, | |
| "email": "yokota@ed.akita-u.ac.jp" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "year": "", | |
| "venue": null, | |
| "identifiers": {}, | |
| "abstract": "In this paper we argue that the Japanese causative constructions should be viewed as a complex predicate having two possible c-structure realizations (i.e. a single monoclausal f-structure, and monoclausal and biclausal c-structures). Along with the Optimality Theory architecture, we suggest that the emergence of two c-structures in predicate composition is a consequence of the interactions that regulate the parallel representations of clause structure. The proposed analysis can account for various grammatical phenomena including adverb scope. 2. Defining characteristics of complex predicates in LFG In LFG, Argument Fusion (or Event Fusion) allows a complex a-structure to correspond to a single PRED at f-structure. Once complex predicate formation is defined at a-structure, the algorithm which relates c-structures to f-structures allows both monoclausal and biclausal c-structures to correspond to the f-structure in (1) (For a more detailed discussion, see Alsina 1993 and Butt 1995). Let us look at how the complex-predicate analysis can be applied to Japanese morphological causatives.", | |
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| "paper_id": "Y05-1035", | |
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| "abstract": [ | |
| { | |
| "text": "In this paper we argue that the Japanese causative constructions should be viewed as a complex predicate having two possible c-structure realizations (i.e. a single monoclausal f-structure, and monoclausal and biclausal c-structures). Along with the Optimality Theory architecture, we suggest that the emergence of two c-structures in predicate composition is a consequence of the interactions that regulate the parallel representations of clause structure. The proposed analysis can account for various grammatical phenomena including adverb scope. 2. Defining characteristics of complex predicates in LFG In LFG, Argument Fusion (or Event Fusion) allows a complex a-structure to correspond to a single PRED at f-structure. Once complex predicate formation is defined at a-structure, the algorithm which relates c-structures to f-structures allows both monoclausal and biclausal c-structures to correspond to the f-structure in (1) (For a more detailed discussion, see Alsina 1993 and Butt 1995). Let us look at how the complex-predicate analysis can be applied to Japanese morphological causatives.", | |
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| "section": "Abstract", | |
| "sec_num": null | |
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| ], | |
| "body_text": [ | |
| { | |
| "text": "There are two levels of \"syntactic structure\" in LFG; c-structure and f-structure. The one that is built out of words is c-structure; f-structure consists of abstract attributes (features and functions) and their values. The theory of LFG defines f-structure and c-structure as independent, but mutually constraining levels of representation. This makes it possible for a given sentence to have more than one c-structure realization, as long as well-formedness conditions such as completeness and coherence are met at f-structure (Butt 1995 , Bresnan 2001 . In this paper, we propose that the Japanese (morphological) causatives be considered as a complex predicate having two possible c-structure realizations (i.e. a single f-structure and multiple c-structures). This enables us to provide a full account for phenomena like adverbial scope that cannot be handled in the traditional LFG (Ishikawa 1985 , Matsumoto 1996 . We further suggest that the emergence of two constituent structures in complex predication is a consequence of the interactions that regulate the parallel representations of clause structure, assumed in Optimality Theoretic (OT)-LFG (Bresnan 2000) . e.g., John ga Bill o hashir-ase-ta.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 530, | |
| "end": 540, | |
| "text": "(Butt 1995", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 541, | |
| "end": 555, | |
| "text": ", Bresnan 2001", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 889, | |
| "end": 903, | |
| "text": "(Ishikawa 1985", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 904, | |
| "end": 920, | |
| "text": ", Matsumoto 1996", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF17" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 1156, | |
| "end": 1170, | |
| "text": "(Bresnan 2000)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "John Nom Bill Acc run-Caus-Past 'John made Bill run.'", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(1) f-structure: (monoclausal c-structure)", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "PRED '", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "A-structures are assumed to project skeletal f-structures through lexical mapping principles (Bresnan 2001) . Following Butt, Isoda, and Sells (1990) , we assume all arguments in upper clause 'cause' and the SUBEVENT clause in (2) are mapped onto entities in a simplex f-structure (1).", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 93, | |
| "end": 107, | |
| "text": "(Bresnan 2001)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 110, | |
| "end": 149, | |
| "text": "Following Butt, Isoda, and Sells (1990)", | |
| "ref_id": null | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(2) a-structure:", | |
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| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1." | |
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| { | |
| "text": "REL 'cause < AGENT, PATIENT, SUBEVENT >' AGENT [REL 'John'] PATIENT [REL 'Bill'] i SUBEVENT REL 'run < AGENT >' AGENT i", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "Based on the notion of the complex-predicate formation, the next section provides evidence to support this view.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Introduction", | |
| "sec_num": "1." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "3.1. Evidence for f-structure monoclausality F-structure models the internal (or covert) structure of language where grammatical relations are represented. In this subsection, we provide three pieces of evidence in support of functional monoclausality, indicating that the Japanese morphological causative is a complex predicate rather than a control construction which has biclausal f-structures.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Syntactic/semantic integrity of Japanese morphological causatives", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "-Kata 'way of-' nominalization The -kata 'way' nominalization supports the monoclausal approach. Suffixation of kata creates a nominal meaning \"way of\", and can apply to causatives.", | |
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| "ref_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Syntactic/semantic integrity of Japanese morphological causatives", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(3) a. kodomo ni hon o yom-ase-ta. child Dat book Acc read-Caus-Past '(I) caused the child read a book' b. (?kodomo e no) hon no yom-ase-kata child Dat Gen book Gen read-Caus-way 'the way to cause (the child) to read a book' (Long-distance) passivization It is well-known that causatives of transitive verbs allow passivization of the -ni marked phrase (Kuno 1973 ).", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 353, | |
| "end": 363, | |
| "text": "(Kuno 1973", | |
| "ref_id": null | |
| } | |
| ], | |
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| "section": "Syntactic/semantic integrity of Japanese morphological causatives", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(4) Sono rinyuu-shoku wa mada dono akachan-ni-mo tabe-sase-rare-te inai.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Syntactic/semantic integrity of Japanese morphological causatives", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "that babay food Top yet any baby Dat even eat-Caus-Pass Asp-Neg 'The baby food has not yet been given to feed any child.' (Matsumoto 2000:148) Semantic scope by shika---na 'only ---Neg' The split quantificational phrase shika-na must be, in general, in the same clause. The wide-scope reading (7a) is obtained if shika---nakat has mi-sase \"cause to see\" within its scope. On the other hand, the narrow scope reading (7b) can only be obtained if shika --nakat is assumed to have only mi in its scope. These contrasts can be explained TV shika misase is considered to have a \"biclausal\" structure. In the construction shown in (8a) TV shika is outside of the inner \"clause\" headed by mi 'watch' via Argument Transfer (Grimshaw and Mester 1988) . In light of these examples, any \"lexical\" account of causatives makes clear how it can deal with such ambiguous scope assignments. Under the assumption that the causative is a single lexical entry, the problem posed by such examples is basically the problem of how to assign \"word-internal\" scope to a quantified NP that appears external to the lexical causative. 1 3.2. Evidence for c-structure monoclausality C-structure is the level where the surface syntactic form, including categorial information, word order and phrasal grouping of constituent, is encoded and is expressed through phrase structure rules, such as S \u2192 NP, VP. Concerning constituent (or category) monoclausality of the Japanese causatives, it is quite easy to give evidence (see Manning et al. 1999 ). We will discuss just a piece of evidence for c-structure monoclausality.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 122, | |
| "end": 142, | |
| "text": "(Matsumoto 2000:148)", | |
| "ref_id": null | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 715, | |
| "end": 741, | |
| "text": "(Grimshaw and Mester 1988)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF9" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 1495, | |
| "end": 1514, | |
| "text": "Manning et al. 1999", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF15" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Syntactic/semantic integrity of Japanese morphological causatives", | |
| "sec_num": "3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "Reduplication process is assumed to be a lexical process (Maranz 1982) , which is irrelevant to syntactic and semantic information and is construed so as to respect the morphophonological integrity between the stem of the head verb and the causative.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 57, | |
| "end": 70, | |
| "text": "(Maranz 1982)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF16" | |
| } | |
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| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Reduplication", | |
| "sec_num": null | |
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| { | |
| "text": "(9) a. gohan o tabe tabe rice Acc eat eat 'eating rice repeatedly' b. ?gohan o tabe-sase tabe-sase rice Acc eat-Caus eat-Caus 'causing someone to eat rice repeatedly' c. *gohan o tabe-sase sase rice Acc eat-Caus Caus 'causing someone to eat rice repeatedly'", | |
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| "section": "Reduplication", | |
| "sec_num": null | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "The LFG conception of \"word\" is a purely c-structural concept. Not only does the Lexical Integrity Principle say nothing about semantics and phonology, it does not even apply to the functional aspect of syntax. The relations between the smallest element of c-structure (the word), the smallest unit of semantics (the semantic word), and prosodic constituent often described as the \"phonological word\" will certainly be a question for the theories of correspondence between c-structure and these other modules of the grammar (see Matsumoto 1996) .", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 529, | |
| "end": 544, | |
| "text": "Matsumoto 1996)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF17" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Reduplication", | |
| "sec_num": null | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "We provide three pieces of evidence for c-structure biclausality.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Evidence for c-structure biclausality", | |
| "sec_num": "3.3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "Particle intervention (10) Sono eiga wa kankyaku o naki mo sase-ta shi, warai mo sase-ta. that movie Top audience Acc cry also Caus-Past and laugh also Caus-Past 'That movie made the audience cry and laugh.' (Kuroda 1990) Focus particles such as wa 'at least', mo 'also' or sae 'even' attach to VP not S (Nishiyama and Cho 1998) . In that situation, the su-'do'support takes place in order to support the stranded tense morpheme, as shown in (11).", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 208, | |
| "end": 221, | |
| "text": "(Kuroda 1990)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 304, | |
| "end": 328, | |
| "text": "(Nishiyama and Cho 1998)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF18" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Evidence for c-structure biclausality", | |
| "sec_num": "3.3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "(11) a. John ga hon o kai-wa/ mo/ sae shi-ta. John Nom book Acc buy-at least/also/even do-Past 'John at least/also/even bought a book.' b. *John ga hon o kat-ta-wa/ mo/ sae shi-ta. John Nom book Acc buy-Past-at least / also / even do-Past If we follow the assumption that the causative verb takes the verbal complement rather than sentential complement since the embedded verb lacks the tense marker, we need not to think that the dummy verb su 'do' get inserted within the VP. 2 (12) Bill ga John ni hon o kai-wa / mo / sae / s-ase-ta. Bill Nom John Dat book Acc buy-at least / also / even do-Caus-Past 'Bill made John at least / also / even buy a computer.'", | |
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| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Evidence for c-structure biclausality", | |
| "sec_num": "3.3." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "Naomi ni TV o mi soshite e o kak-ase-ta. Ken Nom Naomi Dat TV Acc see and picture Acc draw-Cause-Past 'Ken made Naomi watch TV and draw a picture.'", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Coordination (13) Ken ga", | |
| "sec_num": null | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "The VP TV o mi and e o kak are presumably conjoined and sase is attached to this complex VP; it is not the case that only the second conjunct is to be understood as causativized. That is at least semantically, it is a conjunction of two causatives: \"cause to see\" and \"cause to write\".", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Coordination (13) Ken ga", | |
| "sec_num": null | |
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| { | |
| "text": "2 Another evidence for the view that sase takes VP complement comes from the impossibility of a reflexive pronoun as the embedded subject slot (see Sells 1996) . Compare (i) and (ii). The unavailability of an embedded subject position in (iib) indicates the absence of embedded sentential complement. (i) a. Now let us shift our focus onto discussion of adverb scope. Adverbs in the causative construction can in general be interpreted as modifying either the event denoted by the verb stem or the causation event (e.g., Shibatani 1990 ). For instance, sentence (14) is ambiguous, and possible syntactic structures are shown in (15). 14 The point here is that the ambiguity of adverb scope is attributed to the presence of an embedding structure, i.e. the presence of two sentential domains over which adverbs can take scope. However, scope ambiguity shown in (16)-(18) (taken from Yokota 2004:36; the numbers within the angle brackets correspond (from left to right) to conventional indicators in the literature \"OK\", \"?\", \"??\", \"*\", respectively) cannot be accounted for by simply assuming that linear order correlates with adverb scope, nor allowing adverbs to take scope word-internally (see Manning et al. 1999) . Pay special attention to the position and interpretation of adverbs underlined in the examples below. What is remarkable is that in (16b) and (18b), unlike (17b), expected semantic scope ambiguities do not arise. The differences cannot be accounted for nicely only by assuming that linear order correlates with adverbial scope. Lexical semantic considerations for a given adverb class on the whole correlates with more restricted distribution and its interpretation. However, the above data suggest that the lexical semantic account discussed above is insufficient to handle these facts correctly. The next step will be to spell out decisive factors of licensing of each adverb in those examples. Further research is required to provide a full account of scrambling and related scope phenomena, it appears that (certain types of) adverbs can be long-distance scrambled. Syntactically speaking, such adverbs should be treated as a functor taking a verb phrase as argument. Syntactic component of the grammar does not necessarily prescribe exactly a position for an adjunct. Rather Japanese adverbs, mostly regarded as adjuncts, can be base-generated and scrambled in different positions as long as the relevant semantic (and pragmatic) constraints are satisfied.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 148, | |
| "end": 159, | |
| "text": "Sells 1996)", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF20" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 521, | |
| "end": 535, | |
| "text": "Shibatani 1990", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF21" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 1196, | |
| "end": 1216, | |
| "text": "Manning et al. 1999)", | |
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| ], | |
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| "section": "Semantic scope by adverbs", | |
| "sec_num": null | |
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| "text": "Finally, we would like to discuss the validity of an argument for a complex-predicate construction defined in LFG (see section 2) having more than one c-structure. that the case at issue involves the predicate with a single f-structure representation where two c-structures emerge as equally optimal under relevant constraint evaluation using Optimality-Theoretic LFG (see Bresnan 2000 , Broadwell 2003 . In OT-LFG, the constraint operates on the mapping from f-structure to c-structure. We assume that the appearance of parallel structures in Japanese is a result of overlapping strength between the constraint favoring \"LCSc-structure\" relation as in (19) and the constraint favoring \"f-structure -c-structure\" relation as in (20). In a language like Japanese where these two constraints might have overlapping strength, we predict that both monoclausal and biclausal structures would be optimal for complexpredicate construction like causatives, and in any particular case would be dependent on the relative strength of the two constraints at instantiation.", | |
| "cite_spans": [ | |
| { | |
| "start": 373, | |
| "end": 385, | |
| "text": "Bresnan 2000", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "start": 386, | |
| "end": 402, | |
| "text": ", Broadwell 2003", | |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" | |
| } | |
| ], | |
| "ref_spans": [], | |
| "eq_spans": [], | |
| "section": "Parallel c-structures in Japanese causatives", | |
| "sec_num": "4." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "In this paper we have shown that Japanese causative constructions be viewed as a complex predicate allowing monoclausal and biclausal c-structures. It is hypothesized that the realization of two c-structures is a consequence of the interactions that regulate the parallel representations of clause structure. Differences in scope interpretation of the causative constructions in Japanese then follow from the existence of multiple constituent structures in Japanese.", | |
| "cite_spans": [], | |
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| "section": "Conclusion", | |
| "sec_num": "5." | |
| }, | |
| { | |
| "text": "The account must predict that a quantified argument of the causative operator, even though there is no syntactic constituent to serve as the basis of that particular scope assignment (see also 3.3).", | |
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| "FIGREF0": { | |
| "uris": null, | |
| "type_str": "figure", | |
| "text": "(5) a. Ken ga kinoo shika Naomi ga ki-ta to iw-anakat-ta. Ken Nom yesterday only Naomi Nom come-Past Comp say-Neg-Past. 'It was only yesterday that Ken said Naomi came.' b. Ken ga kinoo shika Naomi ga ko-nakat-ta to it-ta. Ken Nom yesterday only Naomi Nom come-Neg-Past Comp say-Past 'Ken said that it was only yesterday that Naomi came.'These structures would look like the following.(6) a. Ken ga kinoo shika [Naomi ga ki-ta] to iw-anakat-ta. (=5a) b. Ken ga [kinoo shika Naomi ga ko-nakat-ta] to it-ta. (=5b)Consider now the causative pattern.(7) Ken ga Naomi ni TV shika mi-sase-nakat-ta. Ken Nom Naomi Dat TV only see-Cause-Neg-Past (a) (Wide scope) Ken didn't cause Naomi to watch other things. (b) (Narrow scope) Ken didn't cause Naomi to do other things.", | |
| "num": null | |
| }, | |
| "FIGREF1": { | |
| "uris": null, | |
| "type_str": "figure", | |
| "text": "(8) a. Ken ga Naomi ni TV shika [mi]-sase-nakat-ta. (= 7a) b. Ken ga Naomi ni [TV shika mi]-sase-nakat-ta. (= 7b)", | |
| "num": null | |
| }, | |
| "FIGREF2": { | |
| "uris": null, | |
| "type_str": "figure", | |
| "text": "16) a. Ken ga Naomi o damatte suwar-ase-ta. Ken Nom Naomi Acc silently sit-Caus-Past (i)'Ken silently made Naomi sit.' <17, 4, 1, 0> (ii)'Ken made Naomi silently.' <11, 6, 4, 1> b. Damatte Ken ga Naomi o suwar-ase-ta. (i) 'Ken silently made Naomi sit.' <15, 5, 2,0> (ii)'Ken made Naomi sit silently.' <0,2,9,11> (17) a. Ken ga Naomi ni eigo o yukkurito hanas-ase-ta. Ken Nom Naomi Dat English Acc fluently speak-Caus-Past (i)'Ken slowly made Naomi speak English.' <12,6,3,1> (ii)'Ken made Naomi speak English slowly.' <11,7,4,0> b. Yukkurito Ken ga Naomi-ni eigo o hanas-ase-ta. (i)'Ken slowly made speak English.' <13,7,2,0> (ii)'Ken made Naomi speak English slowly.Acc with strides walk-Caus-Past (i)'Ken made Jiro walk, with vigorous stride.' <2,1,11,8> (ii)'Ken made Jiro walk with vigorous stride' <15,6,1,0> b. Oomatade Ken ga Jiroo o aruk-ase-ta. (i)'Ken made Jiro walk, with vigorous stride.' <3,2,9,8> (ii)'Ken made Jiro walk with vigorous stride.' <10,7,4,1>", | |
| "num": null | |
| }, | |
| "FIGREF3": { | |
| "uris": null, | |
| "type_str": "figure", | |
| "text": "19) LCS (Event) = C-STR(Constit) Lexical-Conceptual Structure Events are in a one-to-one correspondence with c-structure constituents. \u2192 biclausal c-structure (20) F-STR (Nucleus) = C-STR(Constit) F-structure nuclei are in a one-to-one correspondence with c-structure constituents. \u2192 monoclausal c-structure", | |
| "num": null | |
| } | |
| } | |
| } | |
| } |